Biographical Notes

In 1960 Mao Tse-tung told the author that there had been about 50, 000 Communists at the start of Chiang Kai-shek's counterrevolution. "After the killings"only about 10, 000 were left. By 1960 there were about 800 survivors of all the years between. By and large, Mao said, China was being run and for some years would be run by those 800. About one-fourth of the 800 were members or alternate members of the Central Committee.^[*] At the summit several dozen made up the Politburo and the Secretariat of the Party Central Committee. In 1968 most of them still were the men and women introduced in Red Star Over China.

The data given below is not intended to indicate by its length or inclusion the relative Party rank of the individual listed so much as to help readers trace the subsequent careers of persons introduced in Red Star. Those best known under their Party names are here alphabetized accordingly. The figures in parentheses following each name refer to the book page on which the person is first mentioned. Abbreviations used are given on page 441. In some instances additional biographical details supplied to the author at first hand, but not included in the original edition of this book, are taken from Random Notes on Red China. Sketches of many of the persons listed have now been published in several biographical dictionaries, notably Biographical Dictionary of Republican China (BDRC) (Columbia University Press, N.Y., 1967).

Bluecher, General Vasili (p. 74), alias Galin, chief Soviet military adviser to the KMT 1925-27. He returned to Russia and was later either executed or died a prisoner in Siberia.

Borodin, Mikhail Markovich (p. 74), after returning to Russia in 1927, edited the Moscow Daily News. In Stalin's last days of paranoia, Borodin was exiled and died in prison camp. He was posthumously "rehabilitated"under Khrushchev. (See Part Four, Chapter 5, note 1.)

Braun, Otto. See Li Teh.

Chang Hsueh-liang (p. 43) was born in Liaoning, Manchuria, in 1898. Despite an official sentence, followed by an official "pardon, "Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek held Marshal Chang his personal prisoner from 1936 onward. When Chiang fled to Taiwan he took Chang with him. In 1963, Chang was reportedly permitted some very limited "freedom to move"outside his home. To date (1968) Marshal Chang has never been able to tell his version of the Sian Incident. In Taiwan he was reported to have become a leading authority, as a research scholar, on the Ming Dynasty.

Chang Kuo-t'ao (p. 152) was Mao Tse-tung's most important rival for Party leadership in 1934-36. He was born in Chishui, Kiangsi, in 1897, in a rich landlord family. A student leader while at Peking University (Pei-ching Ta Hsueh), 1916-20, Chang met Ch'en Tu-hsiu and Li Ta-chao (qq.v.) there during the period when Mao Tse-tung was also influenced by them toward Marxism. One of the twelve founders of the CCP (July, 1921), Chang at once entered the Party CC as secretary of the Orgburo. He helped set up the railway workers' union of North China and a 1923 strike in which eighty members were executed. After the Party reorganization at the Fifth Congress of the CCP, Chang was elected to the Party PB, again heading the Orgburo.

Chang participated in the Nanchang Uprising (August 1, 1927) and the Canton Commune. In 1928 he attended the Sixth CCP Congress in Moscow and remained in the U.S.S.R. three years. Again in the PB in Shanghai, in 1931, he was sent to lead Communist partisan groups north of the Yangtze River and was elected one of two vice-chairmen of the All-China Soviet Government of which Mao Tse-tung was chairman. Chang's sphere of operational influence lay in partisan bases formed in the Honan-Hupeh-Anhui (Oyuwan) border areas, where he became chief commissar of the Red Army. His top military commander was Hsu Hsiang-ch'ien, and an important subordinate was Hsu Hai-tung (qq.v.). Forced to abandon Central China (1932) he moved to the Shensi-Szechuan border areas. In 1934 he was driven by KMT troops into western Szechuan.

Two main columns of Red forces met in June, 1935, in the middle of the Long March. Mao led the southern group, Chang Kuo-t'ao those in retreat from north of the Yangtze. A decisive duel arose between them. Chang and his supporters in the CC refused to recognize Mao's supreme authority as "chairman, "as decided by an enlarged PB-CC meeting at Tsunyi, 1935. Chang opposed Mao's strategic plans to move to Shensi and wished to seek a compromise peace with the KMT. He also insisted that Mao was violating the CMT "line, "that the Tsunyi Conference was illegal, and that a new CC plenum must be called to unseat Mao. According to Chang Kuo-t'ao, Mao had already been thrice reprimanded by the CC and thrice expelled by it (John E. Rue, Mao Tse-tung in Opposition, Stanford, 1966, pp. 8-9). Following events described in RSOC, Chang divided the Red Army, keeping his troops (Fourth Front Army) in west Szechuan, and detaining (?) Chu Teh, while Mao led the First Front Army to Shensi. A year later, badly pressed, he was obliged to move north. While crossing the Yellow River his columns were nearly annihilated. Chang and Hsu Hsiang-ch'ien barely managed to reach Yenan, leaving their scattered forces under the command of Li Hsien-nien (q.v.).

In 1937 Chang was "censured"by the CC, meeting in Yenan. He left the Red areas in 1938 and joined the KMT at Hankow. In an "Appeal to My Countrymen"he described the KMT as "the most revolutionary party"and Chiang Kai-shek as "the only leader."He was then expelled from the Party.

After 1949, Chang became an exile in Hongkong, where Mao Tse-tung sent his family to join him. For more detailed accounts of the Mao-Chang struggle see RNORC and Agnes Smedley's The Great Road. Chang Kuo-t'ao's autobiography was scheduled for publication in English at this writing.

Chang Ting-ch'eng (p. 169), an important Fukien CP leader, was born in 1897, in Chinsha, Yungting county, Fukien, of a poor peasant family. Reelected to the CC secretariat in August, 1966, he was Fukien Party secretary when Red Guards reportedly reorganized the Fukien provincial government, to combine an "alliance of Red Guards, PLA and dependable cadres, "and remove those Party leaders "taking the capitalist road."but Chang evidently remained in power.

A primary school teacher, Chang joined the CP in 1926, while attending the Peasant Movement Training Institute at Canton under Mao Tse-tung. He organized a peasant movement in his home area and in 1928 led an uprising in Chinsha. He then became chairman of a west Fukien soviet, entered the CC in 1930, and supported Mao Tse-tung in disputes with Li Li-san. He stayed behind in Fukien during the Long March and joined forces with Ch'en Yi and Su Yu, who later formed the New Fourth Army. From 1940 to 1944 he taught at the Central Party School, Yenan. Deputy commander, East China PLA and Third Field Army, 1948-49, under Ch'en Yi, he became Party secretary, Fukien, 1949; chairman, Land Reform Committee, Fukien, 1951; chairman, Fukien government, 1949-54; and concurrently a member of the East China Party Bureau, 1953, deputy to the National People's Congress, 1954, chief procurator of the Supreme People's Procuracy, 1954, and member of the Control Committee of the CC, 1956.

Chang Wen-t'ien. See Lo Fu.

Ch'en Keng (p. 203) was born in Hsianghsiang, Hunan, m 1904, and died in 1961. A Whampoa graduate (1925), he studied in Russia in 1926 and participated in the Nanchang Uprising in 1927. He had an adventurous career, ending as a full general (1955), and was deputy defense minister at the time of his death. A long account of his life, as told to the author in 1936, throws interesting light on Chiang Kai-shek's efforts to win over former Whampoa cadets among the Red Army commanders. For Ch'en Keng's own story, see RNORC. Ch'en Po-ta (p. 419) achieved international notice when he jumped from No. 23 spot in the PB, as constituted in 1962, to No. 5 in accordance with ranking announced after the CC eleventh plenary session, Eighth Congress, August, 1966. He was also a vice-premier of the government in charge of ideological training of the Red Guards, and editor of Red Flag (Hung Ch'i), theoretical organ of the CCP. His rise dated only from his arrival in Yenan, in 1937, when he met Mao Tse-tung and became his "political secretary"and literary amanuensis.

Born in Huian county, Fukien, 1904, Ch'en attended primary and middle school in Amoy, Kwangtung, then became secretary to warlord Chang Chen. He was said to have secretly joined the CCP in 1925. He was a student at the CMT's Sun Yat-sen University in 1926, and he remained in Russia until 1930, but he seemed to play no significant role in intense intraparty struggles of the period. In 1930 he joined the faculty of China University (Chung-Kuo Ta Hsueh), Peking, where he taught under an assumed name (Ch'en Chih-mei) and wrote exhortative patriotic articles under his real name. Although Ch'en later stated that he had revealed his identity at China University, he somehow went unmolested there. The Roar of the Nation (Peking, 1963) asserts that "Ch'en Po-ta, one of the leaders of the North China Bureau of the CCP CC, also taught in China University. …… His lessons on the philosophy of the Later Chou Dynasty were based on Marxism-Leninism."Its author adds that "reactionaries"made unsuccessful "attempts on his life"and later tried to have him dismissed from the university because of his Fukien accent (sic) but that they failed. No detail is furnished concerning his role during the student demonstrations of 1935, when the Party underground was led by Liu Shao-ch'i. Of Ch'en's Party activity during the first seven years after his return from Russia, in fact, very little is revealed.

Following the Japanese occupation of Peking (July, 1937) Ch'en made his way to Yenan. He taught at the Party school, and did research work for the propaganda department of the CC under Lu Ting-yi ((q.v.). Primarily a polemicist, he had no combat experience, but his writings interested Mao and so did his familiarity with Russian Party history.

In 1942 Ch'en went to Chungking briefly as an editor of the Communist wartime newspaper, New China Daily (Hsin-hua Jih-pao), but in 1943 he resumed work in the Yenan propaganda department, which brought him in close touch with Mao. During that period (1937-47), Mao Tse-tung produced his principal theoretical, historical, and military works. Ch'en's counsel was available at an interesting time when Mao's leadership and theses on the united-front period of 1937 were attacked by Wang Ming (q.v.), which led to Mao's "rectification"movement of 1942. The Party's definitive rejection of Wang Ming was written by Ch'en.

In 1945, when he was consulted during Mao's composition of the important "Resolutions on Some Questions in the History of Our Party, "Ch'en was elected to the CC at the CCP Eighth Congress. In 1946 he appeared for the first time as an alternate member in the PB. By 1949 he was senior deputy director of the propaganda department under Lu Ting-yi and in 1955-56 was deputy director of the rural-work department of the CC——spectacular advances for a man with virtually no known history in the pre-1937 Party.

Ch'en accompanied Mao to Moscow on his first visit there in 1949-50, and may have interpreted Mao's talks with Stalin. He was with Mao again in Moscow when Mao attended the fortieth-anniversary celebrations of the October Revolution in 1957, and made his "East-Wind-prevailing"speech.

Ch'en was one of the few Chinese students educated in Moscow during the 1920's who avoided overt involvement in the maneuvers of Pavel Mif or any of the several factions of Soviet-oriented Chinese Party leaders (the "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks") who clashed with Mao before 1935 (see Po Ku, Wang Ming, etc.). Mao may have had less reason to distrust him as a loyal disciple and political Boswell, which he aspired to be and to an important degree became, than other "returned students, "who perhaps erred by excluding Ch'en from their counsels in the thirties.

Ch'en Po-ta probably published more philosophical, political, and Party historical books than any prominent Chinese Communist except Mao himself. In 1937-38 he wrote about means of mobilizing intellectuals for resistance and united-front work. In the 1940's he produced Notes on Ten Years of Civil War, 1927-36, and Notes on Mao Tse-tung's Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan, both in close consultation with Mao. In 1949 and 1952 he produced short books eulogizing Stalin's contributions to the Chinese revolution——tactically required in periods of the CCP's maximum dependence on Stalin. But his status-making works in China were his essay "Mao Tse-tung's Theory of the Chinese Revolution Is the Combination of Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese Revolution, "and his book Mao Tse-tung on the Chinese Revolution (both 1951). He was also the editor of The Thought of Mao Tse-tung (Mao Tse-tung Ssuhsiang). In 1958 he became chief editor of Red Flag. As vice-president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences he was a dominating force in Party historiography.

Ch'en was instrumental in the removal of Lu Ting-yi, whom he replaced (after the fall of T'ao Chu in 1966) as chief of the CC propaganda department. As such, he was also boss of the Ministry of Culture. At a PB level just below Mao, Lin Piao, and Chou En-lai, and as Mao's writing arm during the GPCR, he was responsible for the official press campaigns against chosen purgees. Probably Ch'en was the main source of supply, to unsophisticated teenage Red Guards, of highly recondite materials of inner-Party history that appeared on many of the "large character"wall posters used during the accompanying purge, including attacks on his former superiors, Lu Ting-yi, Liu Shao-ch'i, and Teng Hsiao-p'ing. Ch'en was also chiefly responsible for compiling Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the "little red book"that became a universal best-seller, and for a long series of polemical articles called "The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, "circulated (1966-67) in many languages in pamphlet form.

In 1966 Ch'en was described by the official Hsin Hua news agency as "the leader of the cultural relations group under the CC."One of his closest collaborators was his first deputy, Chiang Ch'ing (Mme. Mao Tse-tung), who also served as cultural adviser to the PLA. By 1968 seemingly heir to fractions of administrative authority formerly exercised by the PB members with whom Mao had ruptured relations, Ch'en lacked prestige with veterans of the Party and the army, however, where his influence merely reflected his role as spokesman for Mao.

Ch'en Shao-yu. See Wang Ming.

Ch'en Tu-hsiu (p. 73), the first general secretary (1921-27) of the CCP, influenced radical youths during 1919-27 more than any other Chinese cultural and political leader except Li Ta-chao (q.v.), with whom he laid the foundations of Chinese Marxism upon which rose the edifice of Maoism. Ch'en was born in 1879 in Huaining, Kiangsu, of a wealthy official family, studied the Classics, led a great revolution, and died (1942) a writer of essays and studies in the ancient Chinese language.

Dean of the College of Letters of Peking University (1915), he became best known as the founder and editor of New Youth (Hsin Ch'ing-nien), which in 1917 initiated a language and cultural reform of profound impact, and was also the voice of the May Fourth Movement (1919). After three months in jail for participating in the May Fourth Movement, Ch'en resigned from Peking University's faculty, went to Shanghai (1920), organized Communist study groups throughout China, and was, with Li Ta-chao, one of the two leading founders of the CCP. For comment on his difference with the CMT and CCP after July, 1927, see Part Four, Chapter 5, note 1, and Chapter 6, note 3. Discussion of Ch'en Tu-hsiu may now be supplemented from many other sources, including his own works. See also Bibliography, especially Chow Tse-tung, The May Fourth Movement, Isaacs, Schwartz, and the BDRC.

Ch'en Yi (p. 167n), an authentic military hero and China's Foreign Minister from 1958, was one of the ten marshals of the PLA. Born in Lochih, Szechuan, in 1901, Ch'en was the son of a district magistrate. He received his middle-school education in Chengtu, where he also learned to play basketball at a local American-operated Y.M.C.A. After winning a scholarship to a French-language preparatory school in Peking for a year, he went to France, where (1919-21) he combined labor (barge-loading, washing dishes, and work at the Michelin and Creusot plants) with study in a vocational school and at the Institut Polytechnique in Grenoble. In 1921 he joined the Chinese Socialist Youth Corps, which evolved into the CYL (see Chou En-lai). In the same year he and some other members were deported from France for staging a sit-down strike at the Institut Franco-Chinois in Lyons. Returning to Szechuan, he joined the staff of warlord Yang Sen. In Peking, in 1923, he joined the KMT. As a member of the CYL he was admitted to the CCP in 1923. After two years (1923-25) at Sino-French University, in Peking, he next worked at Whampoa Academy, Canton, as political instructor under Chou En-lai.

Assigned to Yeh T'ing's (q.v.) staff during the Northern Expedition (1926), he took part in the Nanchang Uprising. Retreating with Ho Lung and Yeh T'ing to Swatow, he fell in with Chu Teh's retreat to southern Kiangsi. In early 1928 he accompanied Chu Teh to Chingkangshan. Ch'en headed the political department of the Fourth Red Army until 1929, when he took command of the Thirteenth Division. In 1930 he sided with Mao in a dispute with the CC under Li Li-san and, with P'eng Teh-huai, suppressed the anti-Maoist forces of the Party involved in the Fu-t'ien Incident. During the Long March, Ch'en stayed behind with Hsiang Ying (Han Ying) to command a Red rear guard in Kiangsi, and from 1934 until 1937 fought bitter battles for survival. With the outbreak of major Sino-Japanese war the remnant Reds in the South were permitted by Chiang Kai-shek to regroup under the command of Yeh T'ing and Hsiang Ying as the New Fourth Army. It grew very rapidly. Alarmed, the Generalissimo sought to drive it entirely into Japanese-occupied territory. In January, 1941, part of the New Fourth was ambushed by Nationalists. Hsiang Ying was killed and Yeh T'ing wounded and taken prisoner. Supported by units under Su Yu, T'an Chen-lin, and Chang Ting-ch'eng (qq.v.), Ch'en Yi held his detachments together and was named acting commander by Mao Tse-tung. Liu Shao-ch'i soon joined him as political commissar.

By 1945 the New Fourth Army had carved an immense territory from the Japanese conquest and built up the largest Red force in Central China. At the CCP Seventh Congress Ch'en was elected to the CC. Following Japan's surrender and the death of Yeh T'ing, in 1946, Ch'en became full field commander of the New Fourth——renamed the East China PLA. With renewal of civil war in 1947, Ch'en Yi's army played a decisive role; in June, 1948, it captured Kaifeng, capital of Honan province. Soon afterward Ch'en assumed a new "general front command"which included Liu Po-ch'eng, Su Yu, T'an Chen-lin and, as chief political commissar, Teng Hsiao-p'ing. In the "Hwai-Hai"campaign, in November, Ch'en defeated the main forces of Chiang Kai-shek so decisively that the KMT lost East Central China. As the Third Field Army, Ch'en Yi's troops pushed on to Nanking, Shanghai, and the provinces of Fukien and Chekiang, south of the Yangtze River.

Following victory, Ch'en Yi was successively or concurrently commander of the East China military area; second secretary of the East China Bureau of the CP; mayor of Shanghai; secretary of the Shanghai CP committee, and a member of the Party revolutionary military council. With adoption of the constitution and formation of the NPC, in 1954, he became a vice-premier of the CPR State Council and vice-chairman of the National Defense Council. In 1956 he was elected to the PB for the first time. From 1949 onward Chou En-lai had been concurrently premier and minister of foreign affairs; in 1958, Ch'en Yi took over the latter post. At the same time Ch'en relinquished the mayoralty of Shanghai.

Ch'en led the Chinese delegation to Indonesia which signed a treaty of friendship in 1961; accompanied Liu Shao-ch'i on visits to Indonesia, Burma and Cambodia in 1963; represented China on Kenya's independence day; joined Chou En-lai on a 1963-64 tour of ten African countries; and represented China at the tenth-anniversary celebration of the Algerian Republic. In 1965 he visited Jakarta for the tenth anniversary of the Bandung Conference.

At the eleventh session of the Eighth Party Congress (August, 1966) Ch'en retained his rank in the PB and his government posts, but he was not immune from attacks by the Red Guards of the GPCR. Wall posters appeared that accused him of barring the gates of the Waichiaopu (Ministry of Foreign Affairs) to Red Guards who wished to search the premises for persons or indications of reactionary or revisionist thoughts or things. Many attacks were leveled at the Ministry, and Ch'en's diplomatic agents abroad were accused of having taken on decadent bourgeois habits of dress, eating, and culture, including attendance at nude pictures and excessive indulgence in alcohol. Many were recalled for interrogation in Peking. At the 1967 October anniversary celebration, however, Ch'en Yi's name stood high on the PB list.

In 1965 Marshal Ch'en Yi told the author that if the United States continued to escalate the war in Vietnam, China would sooner or later become involved, and that when that happened the war would "know no boundaries."

Ch'en's first wife died in Kiangsi in 1934. Chang Chien, his second wife, was formerly a schoolteacher.

Ch'en Yun (Liao Ch'eng-yun) (p. 159n), a vice-chairman of the CCP CC from 1934, was re-elected to the PB in 1966, and despite his long-time association with Liu Shao-ch'i (q.v.) and many Red Guard verbal attacks, was still favorably mentioned in the official press in 1967.

Born in 1900 in a Shanghai working-class family, Ch'en Yun was a typesetter when he joined the CCP in 1924. He specialized in labor unions and in Soviet Kiangsi (1931-34) organized the handicraft workers. At Tsunyi, in 1935, after supporting Mao Tse-tung against the former PB leadership, he became a member of the Party military affairs committee, and was sent to Moscow as a delegate to the Seventh CMT Congress (July-August). His report on the Tsunyi conference probably explained why Mao was there elected (for the first time) to the CEC of the CMT. Ch'en returned to China with Wang Ming and K'ang Sheng (q.q.v.) in 1937 and quickly took pro-Mao positions in Yenan. His book, How To Be a Good Communist Party Member (1939), together with Liu Shao-ch'i's How To Be a Good Communist (1939), became an essential tool in the cheng-feng (rectification) program (1942) to establish the prevalence of Maoist-Marxist orthodoxy over imported dogma. (By 1967 Liu Shao-ch'i's book was denounced in Peking as a "poison weed.")

Ch'en specialized in economic and financial affairs (1940-45) and in 1945 was a top CC leader sent to Northeast China with Lin Piao (q.v.) to prepare for a capture of power there, following Japan's surrender. From 1949 onward he held senior responsibilities in heavy industry, finance, state planning, and labor organization. In 1954 he became a vice-premier.

Ch'en was, like Liu Shao-ch'i, one of very few Chinese Communists with a long practical experience in urban working-class organization. His fall from fifth place in the PB hierarchy to eleventh place in 1966, after the Eleventh Plenum of the Eighth Congress, suggested that de-emphasis on centralized economic and industrial planning and management might be part of the drive to break up some of the power accumulated by Party technocrats accused by the Red Guards of practicing "economism"——meaning the use of material incentives along lines of the "capitalist road"——specifically, "Liebermanism."By 1968 Ch'en seemed restored, however, to his niche in the hierarchy.

Chiang Ch'ing (Green River) (p. 420), Mao Tse-tung's third wife (excluding an unconsummated childhood marriage), was suddenly given great power as a cultural arbiter during the GPCR from 1966 onward. Her real name was Li Chung-chin (Yun-ho), and she was born in 1912, in Taian, Shantung, in the shadow of T'ai Shan, one of China's five "sacred mountains."

Chiang Ch'ing's parents, of middle-class origin and with scant assets, separated when she was a young child, but her mother managed to put her through primary school, in Tsinan. She then entered a provincial theatrical training institute, at government expense. The principal of the school, Chao T'ai-mou, later became chancellor of Tsingtao National University, where Chiang Ch'ing worked as an assistant librarian. While there she met Yu Ch'i-wei (Huang Ching, q.v.), who became perhaps the most important leader of the North China student "rebellions"of 1935-37. His sister, Yu San, was already a well-known opera singer and actress when she married Chao T'ai-mou, through whom Chiang Ch'ing met both Yu San and Yu Ch'i-wei. Their uncle, Yu Ta-wei, was minister of defense in the Nationalist Government at Nanking, while another uncle, Tseng Chao-lin, was a former vice-minister of education. At the time Chiang Ch'ing met Yu Ch'i-wei he was propaganda chief of the Communist underground apparatus in Tsingtao.

Chiang Ch'ing secretly joined the Party in 1933. In the same year Yu Ch'i-wei was arrested and sentenced to death by the KMT authorities, but his influential uncle, Yu Ta-wei, secured his release in 1934. That account was given to the author when he first met Yu Ch'i-wei in Peking (1935) as David Yu. He was then propaganda secretary of the underground Peking Party CC, under the name Huang Ching, and chief Communist adviser to students who participated in and partly led the December 9th student movement.

Chiang Ch'ing returned to Tsinan in 1934 and married an actor with the stage name T'ang Na. They worked in the infant Shanghai film industry, Chiang Ch'ing taking the name Lan P'ing (Blue Apple) for the parts given to her. They were divorced in 1937. With another actress (who later married Li Teh) Chiang Ch'ing then joined Huang Ching and together they made the long, dangerous overland trek to Yenan, the Red capital. Reaching Yenan in 1938, Huang Ching enrolled in the Party School for further study, while Chiang Ch'ing, with his excellent sponsorship, entered the Lu Hsun Art Institute, which trained theatrical troupes for service at the front. It was there that she met Mao Tse-tung.

The previous year Ho Tzu-ch'en (q. v.) and Mao had been divorced, on Mao's demand, by a special court set up by the CCP CC.

Chiang Ch'ing, a slender, attractive young woman when the author met her in Yenan in 1939, a few months after her marriage to Mao, played a good game of bridge and was an excellent cook. She bore Mao two daughters, both of whom were by 1967 reported married.

Chiang Ch'ing took little part in political activity before 1964 aside from her appearances as Mme. Mao. Her important new independent role became manifest after the meeting of the CC (August, 1966) which launched the GPCR. She was unexpectedly declared "first deputy leader"under Ch'en Po-ta, officially "the leader of the Cultural Group within the Central Committee."In the motor cavalcade and parade following the August meeting, Chiang Ch'ing stood in the first car beside Premier Chou En-lai.

All that was clarified in 1967 when the Party's theoretical organ, Red Flag (edited by Ch'en Po-ta), published Chiang Ch'ing's speech made before cultural workers in July, 1964, which Red Flag now declared was the "great beginning"of the GPCR. Subsequent revelations credited her with having issued "directives"for the rewriting of operas, plays, ballets, and symphonies to introduce proletarian heroes and bourgeois villains to correspond to Mao Tse-tung's cultural guidelines in his 1942 Talks at the Yenan Forum on Art and Literature.

Mme. Mao, it was also disclosed, had initiated the "clarion call"for the GPCR when (late 1965) she led "exposures"of Hai Jui Dismissed from Office, a play by Wu Han (q.v.), as a bourgeois-reactionary and thinly veiled allegorical attack on Mao Tse-tung. Counterattempts allegedly were made by P'eng Chen, Liu Shao-ch'i (qq.v.), and other "revisionists"to take over the burgeoning GPCR, before they themselves were purged along with Wu Han. Red Flag reported that they were partly frustrated by Chiang Ch'ing's address delivered in February, 1966, before a meeting of army cultural workers, sponsored by Marshal Lin Piao. Their rout was completed by a pronouncement written by Mao and issued in the name of the CCP CC in May, 1966, which turned the GPCR into the purge of "anti-Maoists"that followed.

As Mao's deputy, Chiang Ch'ing became cultural adviser to the armed forces. Among writers and artists in opera, drama, films, and the musical world, she became the No. 1 authority on acceptable proletarian art. Many were required to undergo thought remolding, while others——including whole opera troupes——were drafted into service with the army. Traditional and historical operatic and dramatic themes and forms virtually disappeared from the stage during that period when Chiang Ch'ing and the Red Guards determinedly sought to replace "old habits, old ideas, old culture, "and all that was bourgeois, feudal, and foreign, with new folk heroes glorifying the proletariat.

Chiang Ching-kuo (p. 44), Chiang Kai-shek's son by his first wife, whom Chiang divorced

when he married Soong Mei-ling, was in effective control of the political and security forces in Taiwan in 1968 and was considered most likely successor to Chiang Kai-shek to head the American-protected regime there. Born in 1909 in Fenghua, Chekiang, he was educated by private tutors before 1925, when he went to Russia. He graduated from the CMT's Sun Yat-sen University in 1927, having joined the CYL. After the 1927 split in China, Chiang Ching-kuo remained in Russia, studying military and political science. He opposed Wang Ming (q.v.) and was punished with various forms of exile, then given work as a plant director. In 1937 Stalin personally permitted him to return to China, where he effected a reconciliation with his father and joined the KMT. During the war his father gave him a job in Kiangsi; his chief task was to suppress the Reds. He joined the Methodist Church, together with his wife, a Russian. In 1949 he fled to Taiwan with his father. He was Chiang's only son by birth; his foster brother, Chiang Wei-kuo, was adopted, the son of right-wing KMT leader T'ai Chi-tao and a Japanese mother.

Ch'in Pang-hsien. See Po Ku.

Chou En-lai (p. 51) was also known by his Party name, Shao Shan (Small Mountain). In his laconic account of himself, as given to me in 1936, Chou understated his prominence in the Party and drama-charged moments when his life and political fate had stood in peril. That is suggested in Part Four, Chapter 6, note 3, which discusses intraparty and CMT disputes in the 1927-35 period. After he visited Russia in 1928, when he was re-elected to the CC and the PB of the CCP Sixth Congress, he stayed on for special indoctrination at Sun Yat-sen University, and received some military instruction as well, Chou was already a candidate for supreme leadership. That seemed often within grasp thereafter, but Chou never quite made the reach for it.

On his return to Shanghai in 1929 he supported General Secretary Hsiang Chung-fa and Li Li-san, who dominated Hsiang (qq.v.). In Moscow in 1930 as CCP chief delegate to the CMT, Chou might have led an attack on Li, but it was Wang Ming (q. v.) who took the offensive. Back in Shanghai, in the sanctuary of the foreign-ruled International Settlement, Chou continued to work with Li until the latter, summoned to Moscow in November, 1930, was held responsible for his (and the CMT's) failures at urban insurrection. In January, 1931, Pavel Mif (Stalin's CMT agent) maneuvered Chou aside and put Wang Ming in PB control. Only then did Chou abandon Li Li-san, recant, and call upon the Party to "condemn my mistakes."Chou was retained in the Shanghai PB and held his position as chief of the military affairs committee. In that year he was sent by the new leadership to Kiangsi, where he succeeded Hsiang Yin as chief of the "Central Bureau."In that role he took on the significant task of reconciling the remote control exercised by Po Ku, the new PB general secretary, from Shanghai, backed by Wang Ming (in Moscow), with Mao Tse-tung's de facto dominance among the rural combat Communists. (Mao was "chairman"of the Soviet Government but only a member of the PB and its Branch Central Bureau.)

When Chou became political commissar to Chu Teh's command, in 1932, his prestige in Kiangsi began to overshadow that of Mao. As political chief at Whampoa Academy he had early won the confidence of cadets and instructors such as Lin Piao, Tso Chuan, Nieh Jung-chen, Li Ta, Yeh Chieng-ying, Hsiao Ching-kuang, Hsu Hsiang-ch'ien and Ch'en Keng. As organizer of the Shanghai and Nanchang uprisings he was already a combat hero. His sojourns in Moscow had brought him into contact with Stalin and among the "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks"of the Wang Ming-Po Ku group. His pioneer CYL activity in organizing young intellectuals in France had won respect among important Hunanese in Mao's own camp. Now his control of Party indoctrination in Kiangsi expanded his influence among the newest army cadres. Perhaps it was the unequaled breadth of Chou's viable connections with all factions that committed him to the role of chief reconciler and balancer of forces rather than to bitter-end struggle for personal leadership attainable only by violent repression of one or the other element in a core dispute.

Even in 1934, when Po Ku and Lo Fu (gq.v.) ousted Mao from the PB, and Chou became general commissar of the entire army, he managed to avoid a final break with either Chu Teh or Mao Tse-tung. When, in January, 1935, the turning-point conference at Tsunyi repudiated the Party leadership of Po Ku and Lo Fu, Chou En-lai made a smooth transition into the new supreme military council chaired by Mao Tse-tung. From that time Chou never wavered in his loyalty to Mao's leadership.

After the arrival of the Red Army in the Northwest, Chou increasingly took on the role of chief diplomatist. He negotiated the truce agreement with Marshal Chang Hsueh-liang. That soon led to the Sian Incident, which Chou eventually utilized to extract from Chiang Kai-shek an agreement to end civil war. During the war against Japan, Chou headed Communist delegations accredited to Chiang Kai-shek's government, which moved from Nanking to Hankow and then to Chungking. In 1939 Chou spent six months in Moscow, with Chiang's consent. He returned to Yenan and then went to Chungking to head the Eighth Route (Communist) Army mission there and sit on the Supreme National Defense Council. His urbane contacts with non-Communist intellectuals and frequent talks with Western diplomats greatly enhanced his own and Yenan's prestige. At the same time Chou also headed the South China Bureau of the Party, which still lacked a legal status.

As KMT-CP relations greatly worsened, Chou returned to Yenan, in 1943, but again was sent to Chungking, in 1944, to negotiate terms of a coalition government. The effort failed, as did peace talks sponsored by General Patrick Hurley, American ambassador, which Chou and Mao attended in Chungking in 1945. At the CCP Seventh Congress in Yenan (1945), where Chou made a lengthy report, he was elected to the PB's five-man secretariat, to a vice-chairmanship, and to the supreme revolutionary military council. He then led the CP's delegation in peace negotiations with the KMT held under General George Marshall's auspices, until all-out civil war was resumed in 1946. Back in Yenan, he worked side by side with Mao, in supreme command. After the fall of Peking, in 1949, Chou set up the apparatus of a new provisional government and became its premier and foreign minister. In 1950 he joined Mao and Stalin in Moscow, to negotiate the thirty-year Sino-Soviet alliance; in 1952 he negotiated the return of Russian concessions in China; and in 1953 he initiated truce talks in Korea.

With the formation of constitutional government under the Chinese People's Republic, Chou became concurrently premier (from 1954) and foreign minister (1954-58). At the Geneva Conference of 1954, Chou won recognition for China's international position. He drew up the Five Principles of Coexistence which, with Indian and Burmese adherence, became the platform of the brief-lived Afro-Asian unity proclaimed at the Bandung Conference of 1955. In the same year he opened up Sino-American ambassadorial talks, which then gave hope of a peaceful settlement of differences. His visits to many Asian countries in 1955 and 1956 further improved China's visage among the ex-colonial peoples. In Europe, Chou's personal intervention (1957) in grave disputes between Moscow and Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia, was credited with having restored "solidarity in the Socialist camp led by the Soviet Union"——after Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalin had introduced a "thaw"in Soviet policies.

Chou relinquished his post of foreign minister to Marshal Ch'en Yi in 1958, but it was Chou who broke the brinkmanship crisis over Taiwan, when he announced China's readiness to resume the suspended Sino-American ambassadorial talks. During the next two years Chou made more moves toward peaceful coexistence by signing treaties of friendship with several neighboring states. Significantly, he failed to settle a boundary dispute with India, over which (1962) a brief war ensued——not unconnected with the breakdown of Sino-Soviet cooperation which became manifest in 1960, and the Kennedy-Khrushchev-Castro confrontation crisis of 1962. Now the pattern of China's diplomacy hardened. As old blocs crumbled, China made strident demands that Communist parties choose between her and the U.S.S.R. Chou carried out the CC line of independent support of revolutionary wars in many countries, downgrading competitive coexistence and vociferously rejecting all compromise with both American imperialism and Soviet revisionism.

At this writing there is no overt evidence that Chou En-lai ever joined an opposition to Mao's increasingly bitter ideological war with Khrushchev and his heirs in the CPSU. For China, one consequence of the feud was diplomatic immobility, as more and more states and parties opted out of Mao's total irreconcilability with both the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. Chou En-lai's two tours of remaining friendly states in Asia and new states in Africa, in 1964 and 1965, climaxed by French recognition of the CPR, marked one apex of China's diplomatic achievement. With intensification of the American-Vietnamese war, coinciding with the GPCR, in 1966, Peking's abrasive Red Guard demonstrations against governments of Socialist as well as non-Socialist states all but ended China's diplomacy for that period——and alienated some of China's most patient friends in the so-called Third World.

After he was confirmed in his position in the Party hierarchy at the eleventh plenary session of the Eighth Congress CC, in August, 1966, Premier Chou's responsibilities, as the center of stable continuity in the CPR, enormously increased. At Red Guard demonstrations he took the salute, standing just below Mao's "closest comrade-in-arms, "Lin Piao. Beyond that, his preoccupation plainly was to hold the administrative machinery together and try to prevent cracks in the Party bureaucratic apparatus from causing disaster. That the trains, planes, engines, workers, farmers, and intellectuals on the whole continued to function, that general civil war had not, at this writing, returned China to its former disunity and quasi-anarchy, redounded to the credit of tireless efforts by Chou. Limitations of GPCR control over the Party apparatus were indicated by the questionable results of the attempts politically to destroy its principal targets, "China's Khrushchev"——meaning President Liu Shao-ch'i, constitutional chief of state——and his CC supporters. It may have been indicative of a coming change in the climate of opinion in China that it was Chou En-lai (often called "the man in the middle") who in August, 1967, after a mob sacked and burned the British Embassy and assaulted its charge, reportedly ordered the Red Guards to "go home and stay there."

By 1968, in any case, it still seemed true that no man in China, apart from Mao, held such widespread respect among Party and non-Party people alike, as Chou. It also seemed clear that he would never replace Mao while Mao remained competent. In a China without Mao, however, many foresaw Chou as the pivotal personality in any new leadership of collective responsibility——waiting for a new Mao to arise.

Chou En-lai, Mme. See Teng Ying-ch'ao.

Chu Teh (p. 37) was born in Hung, Szechuan, on December 18, 1886, in a family which had emigrated from Kwantung. He was one of thirteen children. He became the commander-in-chief of the Red Army at its inception in Chingkangshan in 1927, and remained so until after establishment of the PRC (1949).

Chu Teh's extraordinarily adventurous and vigorous life, as told by him to Agnes Smedley (see The Great Road：The Life and Times of Chu Teh, N.Y., 1956), is a document of rich sociological and historical importance. In 1936, however, practically no accurate information had been published about Chu Teh. The author's notes were gathered from comrades who had fought side by side with Chu Teh for years. It was characteristic of Communist relationships that their knowledge of his personal life was vague or hearsay. For example, the author was told that Chu Teh came from a "family of rich landlords."In reality his father was an impoverished peasant; at the age of nine Chu Teh was adopted by a prosperous uncle, who helped educate him.

Chu Teh joined the CCP in 1922, in Berlin, through the influence of Chou En-lai. From 1927 onward he was always found beside Mao Tse-tung, as Mao's "third arm, "except for one year when Chu Teh was detained——"by force, "Chu Teh told Miss Smedley——by Chang Kuo-t'ao in western China. It is difficult to imagine Mao's rise and success in the special pattern of peasant-based revolution which he developed without the unvarying loyalty and self-effacing support of Chu Teh.

From 1950 to 1956 Chu Teh was vice-chairman of the CPG of the CPR. In 1956 he became chairman of the NPC. He was for many years the top-ranking marshal in the Communist armed forces Until 1966 he was a member of the PB standing committee, which consisted of the vice-chairmen and Mao.

Chu Teh was a plain-living man of astonishing physical endurance; at eighty he still played basketball, his favorite sport, which he learned at a Y.M.C.A. in Szechuan and popularized in the army. At the eleventh session of the Eighth Congress CC, Chu Teh was dropped from the PB standing committee although he remained in the PB. During the GPCR he was attacked by schoolboy Red Guards, together with Marshal Ho Lung, his lifelong comrade-in-arms. However, in the October, 1967, anniversary celebrations, Chu Teh appeared beside Mao on the rostrum and was officially listed as a PB member only one step below the level of the standing committee. See Smedley, The Great Road, and BDRC.

Ch'u Ch'iu-pai (p. 158), second general secretary of the CCP, was born in a bankrupt Kiangsu gentry family in 1889 and was executed on Chiang Kai-shek's order in 1935. His brief political leadership seemed, according to his own "final testament, "a comic error, a "historical misunderstanding"; he considered himself pre-eminently a literary figure, by temperament unsuited to politics.

Ch'u's father abandoned his wife and six children. Ch'u's mother was educated：she taught Ch'iu-pai to write poetry. As a primary school teacher he helped keep the family from starving. When he was seventeen his mother committed suicide. In 1916 Ch'u tried to enroll in Peking National University but could not pay the tuition. He then entered a tuition-free Rus sian-language school (1916-19) and there also began to learn the politics of revolution. In 1920 he reached Russia as a correspondent for the Peking Ch'en Pao. His reports of life in Soviet Russia were collected and became widely read books. In 1922 he joined the CCP branch in Moscow, and entered the CMT's Sun Yat-sen (Eastern Toilers') University as a student and teacher. When Ch'en Tu-hsiu attended the Fourth Congress of the CMT he "discovered"Ch'u and made him his secretary-interpreter. Ch'en brought Ch'u back to China, where he became, at Canton, a member of both the CC of the CCP (1923) and the CEC of the KMT (1924). In 1925 he taught at the Communist-sponsored Shanghai University and participated in the May 30th Incident.

In 1927 Ch'u joined the opposition group which held Ch'en Tu-hsiu responsible for the collapse of the CP-KMT united front. In accordance with new directives from Moscow, surviving CCP leaders in the central China area called an emergency conference (August 7, 1927) after the Nanchang Uprising, which denounced Ch'en Tu-hsiu and elected Ch'u Ch'iu-pai general secretary. Dominated by Lominadze (Stalin's representative), the new leadership called for the Canton Uprising, which swiftly ended in disaster.

In the summer of 1928 Ch'u reappeared in Moscow, and made his report before the Sixth Congress, CCP. Held responsible for "left opportunism, "he was replaced as general secretary by Hsiang Chung-fa (q.v.) He remained in Moscow, wrote polemical articles, and briefly visited CP meetings in Paris and Berlin. He also devised a system of transliterating Chinese into Cyrillic script, which was later adopted by the Russians.

Pavel Mif is said to have secured Ch'u's removal from membership in the CEC of the CMT and the CC after Ch'u joined Chang Kuo-t'ao in a "united front"against Mif's domination. He returned to China late in 1930. For several years Ch'u was an effective leader of the underground League of Left Writers. He wrote extensively, using pseudonyms, and was a protege of Lu Hsun, who was able to give him some sanctuary in the Shanghai French Concession. He translated numerous Russian works and advocated writing which "served the people."In 1931 Ch'u was rehabilitated in the Party and was elected commissioner of education at the first All-China Soviet Congress, but he was unable to leave Shanghai. (His post was meanwhile filled by Hsu T'eh-li.) In January, 1934, he entered the Kiangsi soviet areas, and there became minister (commissar) of education and art in the Soviet Government of which Mao Tse-tung was chairman.

When the Long March began, Ch'u was ill and remained behind. While attempting to reach Shanghai he was intercepted by Nationalist forces, early in 1935. He was executed in June. Twenty years later his remains were buried in the Peking Cemetery of Revolutionary Heroes. He was regarded as a martyr-hero of the Party. A four-volume collection of his literary works was published in Peking, but not his political writings or his To-yu-teh Hua (Superfluous Words) which he wrote as a "last testament"while in prison. For a detailed commentary, see T. A. Hsia, "Ch'u Ch'iu-pai's Autobiographical Writings, "China Quarterly (London, Jan.-March, 1966). In 1967 Red Guard attacks classified Ch'u as a "renegade"and in 1968 the official press vilified him as a bourgeois influence.

Fang Chih-min (p. 161) was a leader of the Kiangsi provincial CP and organizer of peasant partisan warfare before his capture and execution in 1935. In 1927 he was Kiangsi secretary of both the KMT and the CP. He supported Mao's "peasant line"(rejected by Ch'en Tu-hsiu and the CC in 1927) and led the first peasant detachments in the Kiangsi Autumn Harvest Uprisings. He joined Mao and Chu Teh at Chingkangshang and later he supported Mao's program at the important Ku-t'ien Conference (1930), where Mao laid down basic laws for the development of the Red Army, including great emphasis on local Red Guards. He continued to adhere closely to Mao's views throughout the pre-Long March period. Left behind with the rear guard (see Ch'en Yi, Su Yu, etc.), he was captured by KMT troops. After being paraded through the countryside in a bamboo cage, he was beheaded in 1935.

Hatem, Dr. George. See Ma Hai-teh.

Ho Lung (p. 78) led an even more remarkable life than the largely hearsay account of him in this text may suggest. Born in 1896 (during the Ch'ing Dynasty), in Sangchi county, Hunan province, the son of a military officer, he organized armed peasant insurrections at least a decade before Mao Tse-tung tried it. His reputation as a "bandit"was well earned. A youth of sixteen, with little schooling and an empty belly, he tried to kill a government officer, then gathered a band of outlaws in the mountains. By the time he was twenty-one his 19, 000 followers held eight counties. Rebels in three provinces united around him, calling themselves a Peasant Army. They became so formidable that government forces were obliged to grant them amnesty and monetary rewards to disband. Ho Lung went down to Changsha, a free man, to ally himself with Dr. Sun Yat-sen.

In 1920 Ho raised a brigade for the Nationalist Army. In 1926 he joined the CCP, while he was in command of the Twentieth KMT Army. At Nanchang he joined Yeh T'ing and Chu Teh in the armed uprising of August 1, 1927. Defeated, he escaped to Shanghai but then re-entered the Kiangsi-Hunan area and recruited new forces for Chu Teh and Mao. From 1927 onward he was a top army leader, but he was not admitted to the CC until 1945.

Ho Lung's refusal to give the support of his Second Front Army to Chang Kuo-t'ao during the Mao-Chang dispute of 1935-36 was decisive in Chang's final defeat. Throughout the war against Japan and the Second Civil War he held major field commands; in 1955 he was commissioned a marshal of the PLA. A member of the cabinet (minister of physical culture) and a vice-premier, he held his rank in the Party PB at the eleventh plenary session, 1966, but in 1967 was reported under mild attack by wall posters for alleged sympathies with Lo Jui-ch'ing (q.v.).

Ho Tzu-ch'en (p. 91), Mao's second wife (excluding his unconsummated childhood marriage), was the daughter of a Kiangsi landlord. A teacher before she joined the Communists, she married Mao in 1930. In 1937 Ho Tzu-ch'en formally charged Wu Kuang-wei ("Lily Wu"), an interpreter in Yenan, with having alienated Mao's affections. Mao denied the charges and then sought a divorce, which was granted by a special court set up by the CCP CC. Both Miss Wu and Ho Tzu-ch'en were exiled from Yenan. Ho Tzu-ch'en and Mao had two children in Kiangsi, left behind in the care of Red peasants when the Long March began. The children were never found after the war. In Shensi, Ho Tzu-ch'en bore Mao a daughter. In Yenan, in 1939, I was told that Ho Tzu-ch'en had gone, with her child, to live in Russia.

Hsia Hsi (p. 147) was a member of the New People's Study Society organized by Mao in 1918. He joined the first CCP cell organized (by Mao) in Hunan. A loyal Maoist, he was in 1967 a high-ranking member of the CC.

Hsiang Chung-fa (p. 426) was, while general secretary of the CCP CC (1928——31), largely a puppet of Li Li-san (q.v.) and Li's backer, Lominadze, Stalin's agent in the CMT. Hsiang replaced Ch'u Ch'iu-pai at the Sixth Congress of the CCP held in Moscow (July, 1928), a meeting which coincided with the CMT Sixth Congress.

Of Shanghai working-class origin, semiliterate in Chinese, Hsiang was trained in the CMT's Sun Yat-sen University in Russia. He was the CMT choice to break a deadlock between left and right Chinese "intellectuals"in the PB. As a "proletarian, "Hsiang provided a front behind which Lominadze supported Li Li-san and the CMT line of the period. Under Stalin's control, the CMT had just decided that the capitalist world was disintegrating, and compromise even with Social Democrats was ruled out; the Party was to lead imminent great upsurges.

When Li Li-san's line——uprisings in the cities supported by Red Army attacks——failed, Li was discredited at a Party plenum in January, 1931. Hsiang Chung-fa was retained in the PB only after his abject confession of error. The CMT's Pavel Mif had become the new power behind the CC PB. When Li Li-san led a revolt against Mif's domination, Mif had Li recalled to Moscow. Meanwhile Hsiang Chung-fa's address was betrayed to KMT police by a Li Li-san adherent, Ku Shun-chang. After Hsiang's arrest and execution in June, Wang Ming (q.v.) became general secretary. Ku Shun-chang's entire family was assassinated, the KMT police reporting that the CCP PB had ordered the deaths in reprisal. True or not, the report shattered CP influence in the Shanghai labor unions, where Ku had had a following. See Part Four, Chapter 6, note 3.

Hsiao Ching-kuang (p. 148n), born in Changsha, Hunan, in 1902, was in 1967 one of a dozen powerful military leaders in China. The son of a middle-class family, Hsiao attended Hunan Normal School (Mao's alma mater). He joined the Socialist Youth Corps in Shanghai in 1920 and in that year reached Russia and entered the Comintern's Sun Yat-sen University, where he entered the branch CCP. Returning to China in 1924, he became an instructor and student cadet at Whampoa Academy. He took part in the Northern Expedition (1926). After the 1927 debacle he studied in Russia (Red Army College) until 1930. Back in China, he entered Soviet Kiangsi, where he commanded the Seventh Army Corps.

Hsiao never became part of the "returned students"("Twenty-eight Bolsheviks") group. In 1933 he supported the so-called "Lo-Ming"line, a pro-Mao position in intraparty struggle which was also favored by T'an Chen-lin, Teng Hsiao-p'ing, Teng Tzu-hui, and Mao's brother, Tse-t'an. He was, with them, disciplined for acting contrary to the PB's directives. In 1936 Hsiao Ching-kuang told the author that Li Teh, the German CMT adviser, had overruled Mao and Chu Teh to decide the strategy followed during 1934 which ended in success for Chiang Kai-shek's fifth anti-Communist campaign.

After the Long March, Hsiao took part in the 1935 Shansi expedition and was credited with recruiting 8, 000 volunteers there. A deputy commander under Lin Piao, he distinguished himself in the Second World War and the second KMT-CP civil war. In 1955 he was made a marshal of the army. A member of the CC from 1945 and of the NPC from 1954, Hsiao Ching-kuang became (with Lin Piao's rise to No. 2 position in the PB in 1966) a member of the all-powerful Party military affairs committee and an alternate in the PB. His wife was Russian. Hsiao's autobiography (to 1936) appears in RNORC.

Hsiao Hua (p. 257n), born in 1914, was chairman of the general political department of the PLA in 1967, and was responsible for indoctrination of PLA Red Guards in the Thought of Mao Tse-tung.

He was born in Hsing-ko county, Kiangsi, in 1914, in a poor peasant family. In 1936 he told the author that he had been "educated entirely by the Red Army and the CCP."He was a youth organizational leader in the army (beginning at Chingkangshan) from the age of fifteen. Only twenty at the start of the Long March, he was political commissar of the Second Division, First Army Corps, two years later. Commander of the Hopei-Chahar-Liaoning Military Region in 1946, he was a group army leader in 1948. In the CCP CC from 1945, he was director of the General Cadres Department, PLA, from 1956, deputy secretary general, Party military commission, from 1961, deputy chief of the CC Control Committee and a member of the CC secretariat from 1963. A loyal Maoist for nearly four decades, he was, during the GPCR, still "one of the youngest"veteran combat Communists. In 1967 he was deputy chief of the "all-army cultural affairs group, "a member of the supreme military affairs committee, and an alternate member of the PB.

Hsieh Fu-chih (p. 116n) in 1966 was elected to the PB (as an alternate member) and succeeded Lo Jui-ch'ing (q.v.) as Minister of Public Security. He became an important figure in the purge activities as one of those "leading the cultural revolution under the CC."

Born in Hunan in 1899, Hsieh joined the partisans in the Oyuwan Soviet in the early thirties and was said to have received most of his education in the army. In 1938 he was a deputy brigade commander under Ch'en Keng. He took part in the "100 Regiments Battle"(1940) and continued to distinguish himself as Ch'en Keng's forces grew to group army size. From 1949 onward Hsieh held leading roles in the Southwest Military Region, including secretaryship of the Yunnan provincial Party when Ch'en Keng was military commander (1950-53) of the area. Briefly Minister of Interior (1949), Hsieh was first elected to the CC in 1956. After 1953 he specialized in security, legal, and political organizational affairs. His wife, Wang Ting-kuo, was a member of the People's Supreme Court.

Hsu Hai-tung (p. 168) became, with the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war, a brigade commander in the Eighth Route Army. In 1939 he organized guerrilla forces in Shantung which by 1944 had spread into his old stamping grounds in Honan and Hupeh. Invalided by wounds, he was given rear-area assignments from 1945 onward. In 1956 he was elected to the Eighth CCP CC. By 1957 he appeared in public only occasionally, in a wheel chair.

Hsu Hsiang-ch'ien (p. 168) commanded a division of the Eighth Route Army from 1937 and in 1939 led troops across Japanese lines to form a guerrilla base in Shantung. During the Liberation War (1946-49) he captured Taiyuan, capital of Shansi. He was elected to the CC in 1945 and became one of the ten marshals of the army named in 1955. In 1966 he was elected to the PB for the first time, and became a vice-chairman of the supreme CC military affairs committee. In January, 1967, he was made chairman of the subcommittee of the GPCR in the PLA, under the new chief of staff, Yang Ch'eng-wu. He thus seemed to have completely overcome the political handicap of his past with Chang Kuo-t'ao.

Born in Wu T'ai county, Shansi, in 1902, in a landlord family, Hsu was educated at a normal school; in 1924 he entered Whampoa Academy. He joined the CP in 1927, took part in the Canton Uprising, worked with P'eng P'ai in the Hailufeng Soviet, and then went underground in Shanghai. In 1930 he organized Anhui guerrilla forces and rose to the rank of army commander. Hsu won a major victory over one of Chiang Kai-shek's best commanders in 1931, and his skill helped build up the Fourth Red Army, north of the Yangtze River, under his political chief, Chang Kuo-t'ao. In 1933 defeats forced them to move westward and set up the Szechuan Soviet, where the Fourth Army grew rapidly until 1935, when the southern Reds met the Chang-Hsu forces (100, 000?) at Moukung. Owing to the Chang-Mao dispute and failure to agree at Maoerhkai, the two main armies divided, Hsu remaining in Sikang with Chang, Chu Teh and others, while Mao moved on to Shensi (1935). A year later (December, 1936) Hsu's army moved north and followed Mao but was ambushed while attempting to cross the Yellow River. The Red forces were badly defeated and Hsu and Chang arrived in Pao An in a parlous state. The northern column was badly cut up by attacks and reduced, under the command of Li Hsien-nien, to 2, 000 men. At a CC meeting in Shensi in 1937 Hsu Hsiang-ch'ien was exonerated of political responsibility for Political Commissar Chang's "anti-Party"decisions during the Szechuan schism. See RNORC.

Hsu Ping (p. 419) was deputy director of the United-Front Department of the CCP CC until he came under attack during the GPCR.

Hsu was born in Honan, in 1902, in a family able to send him to Germany to study economics. In Berlin he joined the CYL (1920), which merged with the CCP. After studying at the CMT's Sun Yat-sen University (1925-27), in Moscow, he returned to do underground work in China. A university professor in Peking when the author met him in 1935, he provided important liaison between the Manchurian exiled armies in China, and the Red Army, which led to a united front. Deputy mayor of Peking in 1949, he was also deputy director of the United-Front Department of the CCP CC from that time onward. In 1967 he was denounced by Red Guard publications for having authorized Communists held in KMT jails in Peking in 1936 (！) to sign repudiations of communism (in order to secure their release on the eve of war against Japan). Hsu was also charged with "sheltering renegades"in the Party——when Liu Shao-ch'i was his chief in the North China Bureau of the Party. His wife, Chang Hsiao-mei, was a veteran Communist and vice-chairman of the All-China Federation of Democratic Women.

Hsu T'eh-li (p. 85) was hailed by Mao as his "most respected and beloved teacher."Born in 1877 in Changsha, Hunan, in a poor family, he had primary school education, entered a teachers' school, then taught school, tutoring himself in math. After taking part in the 1911 overthrow of the imperial government, he taught at Hunan First Normal, where he helped Yang Chang-ch'i prevent Mao Tse-tung's expulsion as a student. At the age of forty-three he joined a Work-Study group, went to France, and worked part time as a cook while studying at Paris and Lyons universities. He was in the band of students (including Ch'en Yi, Li Li-san and Ts'ai Ho-sen, qq.v.) who "occupied"the Institut Franco-Chinois, and was deported with them. Returning to Hunan, he taught at the Changsha Girls' Normal School, finally being admitted to the CCP in 1927. A participant in the Nanchang Uprising, he retreated to Swatow and escaped to Shanghai. For two years (1928-30) he studied at the CMT's Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow, then returned to China, to become director (commissar) of education in the All-Central Soviet Government, except for the period that office was held by Ch'u Ch'iu-pai. At fifty-seven he was the oldest man to make the Long March. A deputy to the NPC from 1954, he remained active in a wide range of political and cultural tasks, and ranked fifteenth in the CCP CC.

Huang Ching (Yu Ch'i-wei, or David Yu) (p. 41n), who became the first Communist mayor of Tientsin, in 1949, won national fame in the CCP as a hero of the 1935-37 student movement of North China. Its leaders helped to restore Party influence among youth in the great cities after a decade of bloody suppression.

A native of Chekiang, born in 1911, Huang Ching came from a prominent bourgeois family; one uncle, Yu Ta-wei, served as KMT minister of defense; another had been a vice-minister of education in Peking. While a student at Shantung University (Tsingtao) Huang Ching was chief of the underground CCP CC propaganda department. There he met Chiang Ch'ing, who joined the Party (1933) just before Huang Ching was arrested and sentenced to death. Yu Ta-wei saved Huang's life; after his release Huang went to Peking, where he again joined the CC propaganda department. He was, however, in deep hiding——in the North China Bureau, under Liu Shao-ch'i——before the December 9th student demonstration.

At that time all patriotic (not to mention radical) organizations were strictly suppressed by Kuomintang gendarmes. Hundreds of students had been jailed for anti-Japanese activity; campuses were infested with spies. Police even protected Japan-paid puppets who marched in support of Japanese attempts to install a puppet regime in Peking by force and bribery. An exception was the oasis of relative freedom on the campus of the American-financed and missionary-founded Yenching University. Yenching's immunity from KMT gendarmes traced to foreign extraterritoriality rights enjoyed by some of its teachers. Those happened to include the writer, and Yenching's president and chief founder, Dr. J. Leighton Stuart, who was to be the last U.S. ambassador to the Kuomintang Nationalist government at Nanking.

In 1935 Huang Ching joined student representatives in a secret meeting at Yenching called by the Yenching University Student Association on the night of December 8. They planned the strategy for a daring mass street demonstration held on the following day. Its ultimate impact ended both the suppression of anti-Japanese patriotic activity and the urban isolation of the CCP.

Peking University (Pei-ta), the leading higher institute of the nation, had no student association, but December 9th made it possible to revive one. Huang Ching and others (Yao-I-lin, Huang Hua, qq. v.) who had participated in "December 9th, "rapidly helped to organize Pei-ta and other student associations for subsequent protest activities. From Peking, propaganda spread all across the country. Demands for resistance, for political education, for military education of the masses, etc., led to an excitement which so infected the population that serious preparation for a war of resistance against Japan could no longer be avoided.

Huang Ching went to Yenan in 1937, to enter the Party school. With the outbreak of war he assumed the important post of secretary of the CC Shansi-Hopei-Chahar regional Party committee. By 1949 he was Party secretary of the greater municipality of Tientsin. Long a semi-invalid from illnesses contracted during a youth of strenuous hardship, Huang died prematurely in 1958. He was then a member of the CCP CC and vice-chairman of the State Planning Commission. At this writing his wife, Fan Chin, was still a deputy mayor of Peking.

Huang Hua (p. 41n) was the party name of Wang Ju-mei, born in 1912 in an educated family in Kiangsu. He took a leading role in the December 9 (1935) student movement, became a national youth organizer, and rose to important posts in the Communist Foreign Ministry, as an ambassador and a negotiator. The author met Wang Ju-mei at Yenching (Christian) University in 1934. Wang was active among the student rebels at Yenching and conspicuous in patriotic anti-Japanese organizations then illegal. He joined the CYL in 1935 and the CCP in 1936. When the author went to Northwest China he sent word to Wang to meet him there. On their journeys Wang met Mao Tse-tung, Chou En-lai, P'eng Teh-huai, Teng Hsiao-p'ing, and other leaders. Later he worked there and in Hankow (1938) as a youth organizer, recruiting many student volunteers. Among them were Kung P'eng and her sister Kung Pu-ch'eng, both of whom became officials of the Foreign Ministry.

At the Foreign Office in Yenan and Chungking (1939-45), as chief CCP information officer during KMT-CP mediation talks (1945-47), as director of foreign affairs of the Nanking military area (1949), and in charge of affairs of foreign residents of Shanghai (1952), he became outstanding among young diplomat-negotiators trained by Chou En-lai. He conducted the bitter terminal truce talks in Korea (1952); served as spokesman of the Chinese delegation, Geneva Conference (1954); headed the West Europe and African department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1954-56); directed the West European department of the ministry (1956-59); and became China's first ambassador to Ghana (1960-65). He negotiated a number of treaties and agreements with Ghana and the Congo, providing for trade, technical, and cultural cooperation. After Peking's wholesale recall of diplomats he was, in 1968, at Cairo, the only Communist Chinese of ambassadorial status west of Vietnam and Cambodia.

Jen Pi-shih (p. 148n) was born in Hsiangyin county, Hunan, in 1904, attended school in Changsha, and joined the Socialist Youth Corps in Shanghai in 1920. He studied at Oriental University in Moscow, 1920-22, and joined the CCP while there. In China, in 1927, he became secretary of the CYL, when he was also elected to the CCP CC. He was elected to the PB in 1930. In 1931 he entered the Hunan-Kiangsi-border soviet area, where he was chief of the military committee in Ho Lung's forces, and also political commissar. At the Tsunyi Conference Jen Pi-shih supported Mao against Po Ku. During the Long March, Ho and Jen Pi-shih sided with Mao Tse-tung against Chang Kuo-t'ao. Re-elected to the CC PB in 1945, he remained in Yenan with Mao Tse-tung during the Second Civil War. He died in 1950 of heart failure.

K'ang Sheng (p. 116n), whose original name was Chao Jung, was in August, 1966 (eleventh plenary session of the Eighth Congress), jumped to a PB position in the standing committee sixth below Mao. He was a vice-premier of the SC, head of the Party control commission, and among those officially described as "leaders of the cultural revolution under the Central Committee."From Yenan days K'ang Sheng had closely identified him self with cultural concepts set forth by Mao in his "Talks at the Yenan Forum on Art and Literature."

K'ang was born (circa 1903) in a gentry family in Shantung. While attending CCP-organized Shanghai University he joined the CYL and CCP (1924-25), participated in Shanghai insurrections led by Chou En-lai (1926-27), and then worked underground. Sent to Moscow in 1930, he was, except for a brief visit to Shanghai in 1933, employed in the CMT under Wang Ming (q.v.) until he returned to China in 1937 with Wang Ming and Ch'en Yun. These three were lecturing at K'ang Ta ("Resist-Japan University") when the author first met them in Yenan, in September, 1939. Elected to the CC secretariat in 1938, K'ang was criticized during the rectification movement (1942), but after self-reform replaced Li Wei-han as director of the Party school. Working closely with Lin Piao, director of K'ang Ta, he sharply dissociated himself from Wang Ming, who became the Party's personification of "formalism"and imported dogmatism.

Elected to the PB at the Seventh Congress (1945), K'ang headed the CC Orgburo, led the Shantung Party committee (1949-54), was reelected (alternate) to the PB (1956), spearheaded Party attacks on "rightists"(1957) and became a secretary of the CC secretariat (1962) under Teng Hsiao-p'ing and P'eng Chen. In 1963-65 he participated in major "line"talks led by Liu Shao-ch'i and/or Teng Hsiao-p'ing with foreign CP delegations to Peking seeking a Moscow-Peking reconciliation. In 1964 he accompanied Chou En-lai to Moscow for talks (abortive) after the fall of Khrushchev. In 1965 he joined Ch'en Po-ta in an offensive against Liu Shao-ch'i and Teng Hsiao-p'ing as "revisionists."By 1967 K'ang Sheng appeared to be a possible successor to Teng Hsiao-p'ing as Party general secretary. While he remained in the PB no reconciliation with the U.S.S.R. seemed likely.

Kao Kang (Kao Chung-yu) (p. 157) was the chief target of a major Party purge in 1954, when he was accused of "warlordism"and seeking to detach Manchuria as his "independent kingdom."Disgraced, he committed suicide. Born in Hengshan, Shensi, in 1891, he and Liu Chih-tan built the Party there, and its isolated Red base became a sanctuary for the Communists at the end of the Long March. The son of a landlord, he graduated from a normal college in Sian, joined the CCP with Liu Chih-tan, led a peasant insurrection in 1927, and maintained guerrilla war bases in the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia area thereafter. As leader of a Party committee consisting of Lin Piao, Li Fu-ch'un, Ch'en Yun, Hsiao Ching-kuang, and P'eng Chen, he entered Manchuria and organized mass bases for guerrilla operations which ended in PLA victory there in 1946. Elected to the PB in 1945, he was in 1949 political commissar for all Manchuria, and in 1950 secretary of the Party Northeast Bureau and concurrently military commander. Chairman of the state planning commission in 1953, he was relieved of his Manchurian posts. Kao's deputy on the planning commission was Jao Shu-shih, secretary of the Orgburo of the CC. During 1954, when Kao and Jao were removed from office as "anti-Party, "the most articulate accuser was Liu Shao-ch'i. Five provincial governors and several regional party and army chieftains were also dismissed. After Kao committed suicide and Jao Shu-shih fell into obscurity, foreign reports suggested that Kao Kang may have had Stalin's backing in an attempt to overthrow Mao and set up a satellite state in Manchuria.

Ku Ta-chen (p. 168) was born in Kiangsi in 1903. He helped to form the Eleventh Red Army (1928), made the Long March, and held responsible posts throughout the Resistance War and civil wars. In 1967 he was a permanent member of the All-China Labor Union Federation, a member of the CC, and vice-governor of Kwangtung province.

Lan P'ing. See Chiang Ch'ing (Mme. Mao Tse-tung).

Li Ching-ch'uan (p. 432) was for a decade the foremost Party personality with authority in Szechuan, Kweichow, and Yunnan, a vast territory with nearly 100 million inhabitants and numerous minority and frontier peoples, and embracing approaches to Tibet, Burma, Thailand, and Indochina. During the GPCR, frequent clashes, reportedly between Maoist Red Guards and Party authorities in those provinces, seemed aimed at Li. In April, 1967, the official press announced his replacement. Born in Hua-ch'uang county, Kiangsi (circa 1905), in a peasant family, Li was one of Mao's students when he lectured at the Peasants' Training Institute, Canton (1924-25). He helped organize peasant uprisings, received some military training in Kiangsi, and became a political commissar in units led by P'eng Teh-huai. During the Long March he served for a year with troops of Chu Teh and Chang Kuo-t'ao when the two Red armies split. After their reunion in the Northwest, Li took commands in the Mongolian border region, organizing guerrilla warfare (1937-47). During the Liberation War he held leading positions in Szechuan, from which developed an unusual degree of individual regional dominance. Reelected to the CC in 1956, he entered the PB in 1958 and was named first secretary of the Party's Southwest Bureau in 1961. His Party and administrative control in so important an area as Szechuan could hardly have been held without the support of Party Secretary General Teng Hsiao-p'ing (q.v.), a Szechuanese with a special interest there. Evidently Mao was unable to prevent his re-election to the PB in August, 1966, but when Red Guards chose Teng Hsiao-p'ing as a main target Li's prestige was badly shaken. After Maoists took over the Kweichow provincial Party bureau in 1966, and denounced its old leaders as "bourgeois reactionary, "Red Guard posters reportedly demanded that Li be put to death. In May, 1967, the official Peking press denounced Li as "No. 1 Party power-holder taking the capitalist road in the Southwest region, "holding him responsible for a "bloody tragedy in Chengtu"(the suppression of Maoist anti-Li Red Guards). At this writing he and his bureau were still ensconced in parts of Szechuan and Yunnan, despite announcements in Peking that the CC had dismissed Li.

Li Chung-chin. See Chiang Ch'ing (Mme. Mao Tse-tung).

Li Fu-ch'un (p. 73) was re-elected by the eleventh plenary session of the Eighth Congress to the PB in 1966, in the same rank (tenth) he held in 1956 (First Plenum). He was reportedly associated with the "economists"(those advocating the use of material incentives as against ideological incentives). One of Mao's lifelong friends, and a fellow Hunanese, Li was born in Changsha in 1900, attended middle school there, joined the Work-Study Plan sponsored by the Sino-French Educational Association, Peking, and went to France in 1918. In 1921, with Chou En-lai, Li Li-san, Lo Man (Li Wei-han), Ts'ai Ho-sen, and others, he helped form the Communist Youth League in France, which soon incorporated into the CCP. He worked in the Schneider munitions plant and a motor factory in Paris, and French workers first introduced him to Marxism.

Li left France in 1924, studied six months in Russia, returned to China, and became a member of the CC and PB in 1924. Director of Party political training in Canton, he was political director of Liu Po-ch'eng's Sixth Army in the Northern Expedition. After the KMT-CP split he became secretary of the Kiangsi provincial CP (1927-33). He made the Long March and, when the author met him in 1936, was a member of the CC and chairman of the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia regional Party committee (see RNORC). He held important posts in the Yenan government (deputy director, finance department, 1940-45) until, in 1945, he was sent to Manchuria with a Party committee headed by Kao Kang to organize economic and related affairs. In 1956 he was re-elected to the CCP CC：his main duties continued to be in finance and economics. In 1950 he became minister of heavy industry. After Kao Kang's dismissal in 1954, Li became chairman of the State Planning Commission, continuing in that job at this writing. Re-elected to the PB in 1956, he attended many intraparty conferences abroad and at home, especially concerning economic matters, and signed many trade agreements, as well as the China-Korea Treaty of Alliance (1961). Li Fu-ch'un and his wife (Ts'ai Chang, q. v.) were re-elected to the CC in 1966, and Li to the PB, but Li himself was attacked by wall posters for allegedly opposing a new Great Leap Forward economic policy. Paradoxically, Li Fu-ch'un was in 1967 elevated to membership in the standing committee of the PB, which normally had consisted of Mao and six vice-chairmen of the CC.

Li Hsien-nien (p. 202) was born in 1905 in Huangan county, Hupeh, the son of a worker, and was himself a carpenter's apprentice. In 1966 he was reelected to the CC and PB and was often mentioned in the press as prominent among leaders of the GPCR.

Li joined the Northern Expedition when it reached Hankow and soon (1927) became a Communist. A Red Guard guerrilla leader in Hupeh peasant uprisings, he rose to a regular command in the Red Army under Hsu Hsiang-ch'ien, and withdrew westward with Chang Kuo-t'ao and Hsu. In 1935, at Maoerhkai, he first met Mao Tse-tung. Party discipline requiring that he obey his immediate superior, Li stayed with the recalcitrant Chang during the Mao-Chang dispute. A year after Mao reached Shensi, Chang Kuo-t'ao moved his troops northward. His main forces were caught in an enemy encirclement near Sian and nearly destroyed, while Li Hsien-nien's Thirtieth Army, renamed the West Route Army, attempted to reach Sinkiang but again suffered very heavy casualties. Li got to Yenan in 1937, where he entered K'ang Ta ("Resist Japan University") and studied for a year. In 1938 he was sent behind Japanese lines in Hupeh to organize guerrilla warfare. Starting with only a few rifles and old friends among peasants, Li built an army of 60, 000 by 1941. During the civil war he became a field army commander. From victory onward he was the chief political and military person in his native province, Hupeh. In 1956 he was elected to the Party PB, after which he took a leading part in conferences, pacts, and trade agreements with Albania, Guinea, Mali, Tanzania, Ghana, North Korea, North Vietnam, etc., traveling to some of those countries and to Eastern Europe. Elected a vice-premier, PRC, in 1962, he was in August, 1966, confirmed in his position in the PB.

Li Hsueh-feng (p. 212n) was born in 1907, in Shansi, the same province as P'eng Chen (q.v.), whom he replaced in 1966 when the latter was driven from his office as secretary of the Peking Party committee, a key post because its membership embraced many CC members and the highest administrative officials of the central government of the CPR.

Li Hsueh-feng joined the Party about 1926, had affiliations with Liu Chih-tan during early peasant insurrections, and was elected (in absentia) a member of the CEC of the provisional Central Soviet Government (1934). In the North China Bureau under Liu Shao-ch'i (1935-39) he was active during the Red Army drive into Shansi in 1935. He served variously as political commissar and Party secretary in Shansi, Chahar, Hopei and the Central Plains Bureau in the 1940's. Director of the CC Central Plains Orgburo in 1949, he then held responsible Party bureau posts in Central and South China 1949-52. In 1956 he was elected a member (No. 71) of the CC. He was in the presidium of the NPC from its outset (1955) and in 1965 was a vice-chairman of its standing committee. In 1963 he became first secretary of the CC North China Bureau. In 1966 he entered the PB, where (as de facto mayor of Peking) he carried primary organizational and management responsibility for repeated Red Guard demonstrations, and for Party direction of the GPCR.

Li K'e-nung (p. 69) was still inhabiting the Foreign Office——as a vice-minister——when he died in 1963.

Li Li-san (p. 73), rehabilitated in the CCP in 1945, was still in the CC when the GPCR was formally launched in August, 1966, and presumably remained a member at this writing.

Li was born in Liling county, Hunan, in 1896, in a landlord's family; his real name was Li Lung-chih. After graduating from middle school (1914) he went to Peking to join the Work-Study Plan established by the Sino-French Educational Association, and to study French. He reached France in 1918. With other Chinese students (Chou En-lai, etc.) he helped found the CYL, which merged with the CCP in 1922. Returning to China in 1922, Li was assigned to work with Liu Shao-ch'i in the organization of miners at Anyuan, Kiangsi, where Mao Tse-tung was also active. In Shanghai in 1923 he began to organize labor unions and in 1924 became chairman of the Shanghai Federation of Trade Unions and concurrently secretary of the propaganda section of the KMT. The same year he entered the KMT CEC to become a political instructor at Whampoa Academy, in Canton. In 1925 he and Liu Shao-ch'i led workers who launched the May 30th Movement in Shanghai.

Proceeding to Moscow, Li represented the All-China Federation of Trade Unions and was elected to the Trade Union International Committee. Returning to Shanghai in 1926, he was elected to the CCP PB and worked with Chou En-lai in preparing the 1927 Shanghai Uprising. In July, 1927, after breaking with Ch'en Tu-hsiu's PB leadership (and authorized by a directive from Stalin) Li Li-san joined Chou En-lai and others in planning the Nanchang August 1 Uprising. Following its defeat he attended the emergency conference of the PB, held August 7, where he was instrumental in electing Ch'u Ch'iu-pai to succeed Ch'en Tu-hsiu as CC general secretary.

Elements of Li's political career from 1927 onward are summed up in Part Four, Chapter 6, note 3, and in biographical notes on the principals mentioned therein. For further details see an account by James P. Harrison. "The Li Li-san Line and the CCP in 1930, "China Quarterly, Nos. 14 and 15 (London, 1963); see also RNORC.

After Li's removal from the PB following his "trial"in Moscow by the CMT in November, 1930, Li stayed on (probably involuntarily) to work there as a translator and editor in the Foreign Languages Press. In 1936 he was arrested as a Trotskyist but was released in 1938 and resumed his work. With Mao's support (at Stalin's suggestion) he was readmitted to the CCP and at the Seventh Congress in April, 1945, was elected (No. 16) to the CC. In the same year he left Moscow for Manchuria, to join Lin Piao's group there as a political adviser. In 1948 he was elected to the presidium of the Sixth All-China Congress of Labor, at which he delivered the opening address, in Harbin. Elected first vice-chairman of the All-China Federation of Labor, he was also director of its Cadres School until 1953, when he was dismissed for "mistakes of subjectivism."Meanwhile he had held numerous other important government posts, notably as Minister of Labor and director of the CC Industrial and Communications Work Department (1949-54). At the Eighth Congress of the CCP (1956) Li confessed to "leftist opportunist mistakes"and was re-elected to the CC (No. 89). In 1962 he was briefly secretary of the CC North China Bureau. Li remained a symbol of Mao's "forgivingness."Although he took no prominent part in the GPCR he was not attacked as a revisionist nor were his past errors exhumed for vilification.

Li's first wife, Wang Hsiu-chen, a leader in the CCP CC women's department, was arrested in Shanghai in 1932 by the Nationalists, and disappeared. During Li's stay in Moscow he married a Russian.

Li Ta (p. 157) left the Party during the 1927 repression but took no counterrevolutionary action. He reappeared as a Communist collaborator during the Second World War, and became a member of the CPPCC of the PRC. In 1966 he came under heavy attack as a "revisionist, "during the GPCR, but the role assigned to him seemed largely symbolic, since he had no political power.

Li Ta-chao (p. 73) became, during his relatively brief life (1888-1927), which ended in execution by strangulation, the single most important Chinese radical political influence in his time, the first impressive Chinese interpreter of Marxism, and the first major contributor to a system or ideology which may be called Chinese Marxist thought. As librarian at Peking National University, Li Ta-chao gave Mao Tse-tung a job and first introduced him to serious Marxist study. To say that without Li Ta-chao there could have been no Mao Tse-tung may be an overstatement, but some of the main features of Mao's Thought are explicit or implicit in the writings of Li Ta-chao, which Mao implemented in action. As a co-founder of the CCP he provided a bridge between China's few Western-educated "liberals"and the younger generation of intellectuals decisively influenced by the Russian Revolution. For a fascinating account of the range of Li's life and works——indispensable to a fuller understanding of the complexity of the Chinese revolution and of Maoist Thought——see Maurice Meisner's Li Ta-chao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism.

Li Teh (p. 90) was the Chinese Party name adopted by Otto Braun, born circa 1896. A German Communist sent to China by the Comintern, Braun so identified himself in print for the first time in an article published in Neues Deutschland (East) Berlin, May 27, 1964. "Li Teh"may have reached Shanghai late in 1932. Early in 1933 he called on the author in Peking, representing himself as a German newspaper correspondent named Otto Stern. In Pao An, where his role was clear, he never mentioned his real name, but he did speak of work undertaken as a revolutionary agent in South America and Spain. In 1928 he was arrested in Germany and reportedly "sentenced to death, "but he escaped and fled to Moscow. A soldier in the First World War, he received some further military training in Moscow. After serving as CMT representative on the underground military advisory committee in Shanghai, Braun entered Kiangsi in 1933, smuggled into the Red areas in a sampan where he lay covered with cargo for many days. As a Comintern delegate he held a position of extraordinary prestige in the CC revolutionary military council, and he bore a large share of responsibility for military practices followed in 1933-34. He was the only foreigner who made the Long March. After the Tsunyi Conference he was placed in a subordinate and advisory capacity under Mao. Li Teh left Yenan in 1939, on the only Russian plane known to have landed there during the Second World War. In Moscow until 1945, he entered Berlin with the Soviet Red Army. Neues Deutschland described him as a "professor"and a China expert. His 1964 article, "For Whom Does Mao Speak?, "fully supported Moscow in the Sino-Soviet dispute. Li Teh's role in Kiangsi is further described in Part Four, Chapter 6, note 3.

Li Tsung-jen (p. 112) led his Kwangsi army in one of the Nationalists' few victories against the Japanese. He was "elected"vice-president of China in 1947. Before "President"Chiang fled to Taiwan (1949) he resigned, and General Li became Nationalist president. When Chiang Kai-shek later took back his title, on Taiwan, Li retired to the United States. In 1965 he returned to Peking, made his peace with Mao Tse-tung, and denounced Chiang Kai-shek as a puppet of American imperialism.

Liao Ch'eng-yun. See Ch'en Yun.

Lin Piao (p. 37) was in 1966 officially declared "Chairman Mao's closest comrade-in-arms."After the Eleventh Plenum of the CC (August, 1966), Lin emerged as second only to Mao in the seemingly all-powerful standing committee, as first vice-chairman of the Party, first vice-chairman of the Party's supreme military affairs committee, minister of defense, and first vice-premier of the State Council. Lin was commonly regarded as effective leader of the People's Republic in case of Mao's death——having replaced, in effect, President of the Republic Liu Shao-ch'i——but at this writing no clear line of succession had been established.

Lin Piao was born in 1908. In 1936, at Pao An, Shensi, he gave the author the details of his early life which appear in the text (Part Three, Chapter 4).

When Generalissimo Chiang drove the rebels from Kiangsi, in 1934, Lin Piao led the breakthrough forces of the Long March. At Tsunyi, Kweichow, in 1935, he helped elect Mao to supreme command. He fought successful battles in Shansi and Shensi (1935-36) and took part in the occupation of Yenan in December, 1936. During the resistance against Japan, Lin commanded Red Army (renamed Eighth Route Army) detachments in northern Shansi. His 115th Division delivered a smashing defeat to invading Japanese forces, a first proof that Chinese troops, properly organized and led, could be victorious against modern armies. Seriously wounded in 1938, he spent about two years convalescing in Russia. On his return he was briefly with Chou En-lai's "liaison headquarters"in Chungking, and then became deputy chairman of the Party school in Yenan, of which Mao was chairman.

In 1946 Lin was commander-in-chief of Red forces in Manchuria. To him, in 1946, Mao Tse-tung addressed his now celebrated "general concepts"of military operations for renewed KMT-CP civil war. Lin held command of the main Communist forces in Manchuria. Within a year he entrapped the core of Chiang Kai-shek's American-armed and American-trained armies, capturing or killing a total of thirty-six generals. Following victory in Manchuria, Lin encircled Chiang's main forces in northern China. Peking surrendered to him without a battle.

In July, 1950, Lin Piao was elected to the PB. Early in China's intervention in the Korean War, in November, 1950, Lin Piao led the "Chinese People's Volunteer Corps"in a counteroffensive which took General MacArthur's headquarters by surprise. Using "human sea"tactics, Lin pushed the American and United Nations troops to near-disaster. Withdrawn from Korea, supposedly because of illness, he again spent some time recuperating in Russia. Marshal P'eng Teh-huai replaced him. A deputy chairman of the Party military affairs committee from 1950, and a deputy premier, he was re-elected to the PB in 1956, a year after he was promoted to the rank of marshal of the PLA.

In 1959 the Chinese Party bitterly debated future policy toward the U.S.S.R. Obvious and bitter personal rivalry had developed between P'eng and Lin in which Mao himself was a protagonist. In the midst of their ideological dispute, Nikita Khrushchev canceled his promise to supply China with a "sample atom bomb."P'eng Teh-huai was relieved as Minister of Defense, and Lin Piao replaced him. Lin Piao's reforms aimed at "de-Russification.""Professional-officer-caste"mentality was fought, titles and insignia of rank were abolished, special officer privileges ended, the Yenan type of soldier-peasant-worker-student combination was restored, and the Thought of Mao Tse-tung superseded all other ideological texts.

In 1965 Lin published a lengthy thesis on revolutions in the underdeveloped countries, entitled "Long Live the Victory of the People's War！"Lin's article likened the "emerging forces"of the poor in Asia, Africa, and Latin America to the "rural areas of the world, "while the affluent countries of the West were likened to the "cities of the world."Eventually the "cities"would be encircled by revolutions in the "rural areas, "following the Thought of Mao Tse-tung. Lin made no promise that China would fight other people's wars, however; they were advised to depend mainly on "self-reliance."In 1966 the Chinese Party press referred to Lin's thesis as an integral part of the Thought of Mao Tse-tung.

Since 1956 a member of the presiding seven-man Party standing committee, Lin emerged as Mao Tse-tung's guarantee of armed support during the major bouleversement of 1966. One million Communist Party members, integrated in the army command, became the decisive ideological force in the national rectification movement known as the GPCR. Still the youngest member of the PB, Lin Piao seemingly held in his hands the fate of China in the event of Chairman Mao's death, but it was likely that his power would be one aspect of a collective leadership.

Liu Hsiao (p. 189) was born in Shenking, Hunan, in 1911, in a family he described to the author in 1936 as "middle landlords."His father studied in Japan for two years, and was antireligious. Liu Hsiao began school at five. He attended a middle school run by the American Christian Reformed Church, in Shengchoufu, where he learned English and became a Christian. After graduating he went to Shanghai to attend a higher school. En route he met a radical Chinese Christian pastor who introduced him to Marxism. In 1926 he joined the Communist Party and took part in the Shanghai Uprising. He was then sent north of the Yangtze to teach and organize. His school was attacked, he fled to Shanghai, was arrested in the French Concession, and spent three years in jail. On his release he went to Red Kiangsi in 1931, and he became secretary of the Kiangsi CP CC in 1932. (For a detailed account of this period see RNORC "The Liu Hsiao Story, "pp. 64-69.)

Liu made the Long March and in 1936 was chairman of the political department of the First Front Army. Throughout the Japanese and Liberation wars he continued to work in the General Political Department of the army, with special responsibilities in the Shanghai and Kiangsu underground, where he was secretary of the CCP. Elected to the CCP CC in 1945, he was appointed ambassador to the U.S.S.R. (1955-63), and made contacts with East European and other Communist parties. Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1963, he took part in conversations between Chou En-lai and President Sukarno in Shanghai in 1964. In 1966 he was re-elected to the CCP CC and was prominently listed as a leader of the GPCR. In 1967 he became ambassador to Albania.

Liu Po-ch'eng (p. 195), popularly known as the "One-eyed Dragon, "was born in Szechuan in 1892, joined the CCP in 1926, rose to the rank of marshal of the army, and in 1967 was a member of the PB, a vice-chairman of the standing committee of the NPC, and a member of the all-powerful Party military affairs committee. His father was a strolling musician who saved money to give his son a basic classical education, but Po-ch'eng chose a military school in Chengtu, won a commission in the provincial army, and took part in the 1911 Revolution. In the course of many battles he lost an eye. After joining the CCP he was chief of staff during the Nanchang Uprising in 1927, a fiasco from which he escaped; he went to Russia and studied at Frunze Military Institute until 1930. Returning to China, he entered Kiangsi and became chief of staff of the Central Revolutionary Military Committee. He led part of the vanguard forces during the Long March, and then commanded the 129th Division, Eighth Route Army, at the start of the Resistance War (1937-45). After widely extending his guerrilla forces in North and Central China he commanded the Central Plains Army in operations coordinated with Ch'en Yi's armies which (1948) decisively defeated KMT forces north of the Yangtze. First elected to the CC in 1945 and to the PB in 1956, logically he should have been a key PLA supporter of Mao Tse-tung and Lin Piao during the critical Party struggles of 1966-67, but he took no noticeable responsibility. He was, of course, seventy-five years old.

Liu Shao-ch'i (p. 148n) was in 1967 still legally elected chairman of the government of the CPR, but he had become "China's Khrushchev"and the major target of the GPCR and the Red Guards campaign.

Liu was born in 1898 in Ning Hsiang, Hunan, close to Mao Tse-tung's home, and graduated from the Hunan First Normal School, which Mao also attended. Son of a "rich"peasant family, he turned radical under influences very similar to those described by Mao. In 1920 he helped Mao organize a Socialist Youth Corps in Hunan, and was recruited for study at the Comintern's Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow, where he joined the branch CCP. When he returned in 1922 he became secretary of the All-China Labor Syndicate. He organized workers in the Yangtze Valley, and at Anyuan, on the Kiangsi-Hunan border, led a successful strike of the miners' union. In 1927 some of these miners joined Mao Tse-tung's first Workers' and Peasants' Red Army. (But in 1967 attacks on Liu by the Maoist press for the first time accused Liu of following bourgeois-reformist policies when leading the Anyuan unions——thus establishing for him a history of forty years of revisionist thought.)

In Canton in 1925, Liu was on the executive committee of the All-China Federation of Labor. He helped organize Shanghai labor unions (1925-26) and general strikes, and organized the Hupeh League of Labor Unions. Underground labor organizer from 1927 onward, he was a member of the CC but had differences with leaders Li Li-san and Wang Ming. He entered Soviet Kiangsi in 1932, as a member of Po Ku's PB. Liu participated in the 1934 retreat from Kiangsi but did not make the Long March. He was sent to try to reorganize the shattered Party underground in the White areas of North China, making his headquarters in Peking and Tientsin. In 1937 he rejoined the CC at Yenan, and in 1941 became political commissar of the New Fourth Army. After the Party rectification of 1942-43 (in which he supported Mao against Wang Ming), Liu Shao-ch'i became a pivotal person in the PB and CC secretariat.

During the Resistance War, Liu headed the Central Plains Bureau and was supreme in the branch Party PB in the guerrilla areas of North China and Manchuria. Many of the millions of new Party members recruited during that period were trained under Liu's direction. First vice-chairman of the CPC CC (1945-66), he was acting Party chairman when Mao went to Chungking for talks with Chiang Kai-shek in 1945. At the Seventh Party Congress, in 1945, Liu asserted that Mao Tse-tung had made new and original contributions to Marxism-Leninism, and later declared that Mao's "Asiatic Marxism"was "of universal significance."He was recognized as No. 2 in the Party, and his written works (esp. How To Be a Good Communist and On Inner Forty Struggle) carried authority second only to those of Mao (until 1967). In 1949 he was vice-chairman of the Central People's Government, and from 1955 to 1959 was first vice-chairman of the NPC. In 1958 Mao retired as chairman of the CPG of the PR and Liu Shao-ch'i succeeded him. In 1961 Mao publicly indicated that Liu was his choice to follow him as supreme Party leader.

In 1966, after Mao's reappearance following a long absence from public view, supposedly a convalescence from a severe illness, a major Party purge was initiated under slogans of the GPCR. Following a meeting of the eleventh plenary session (Eighth Congress) of the CC CCP (August, 1966), presided over by Mao Tse-tung, Liu's name dropped from second to eighth place in the PB. Lin Piao replaced Liu in the hierarchical rank and also became Mao's deputy leader of newly formed youth brigades called Red Guards (Hung Wei-ping). A "main target"of the Red Guards was "reactionary bureaucrats."As chief administrator of the Chinese state superstructure, Liu Shao-ch'i was held personally responsible for alleged bourgeois, reactionary, and feudalistic atavisms in the Party and state bureaucracy, as well as for dangerous tendencies toward "revisionism, ""economism"(material incentives over zealotry), and softness on class-struggle and anti-capitalist indoctrination. In 1967 the Maoist press denounced Liu's books as counterrevolutionary and described him as "No. 1 among those in the Party in authority who are taking the capitalist road."He was attacked for sabotaging the GPCR by sending in hostile "work teams"(among them those led by his wife, at Peking University) to try to take control of the movement. Red Guard posters accused him of involvement in a February, 1966, coup aimed at Mao's overthrow. He disappeared from public view but at this writing he still nominally held his offices in the Party and the government. (For details concerning Liu's alleged leadership of an opposition verging on conspiracy against Mao, see P'eng Chen, P'eng Teh-huai, Lu Ting-yi, Lo Jui-ch'ing, and Mao Tse-tung.)

Liu's first wife was killed by the KMT in 1933, during the Civil War. His second wife was Wang Kuang-mei (q.v.) See TOSOTR; see also Howard L. Boorman, "Liu Shao-ch'i, a Political Profile, "China Quarterly (London, May-June, 1962).

Liu Shao-ch'i, Mme. See Wang Kuang-mei.

Lo Fu (Chang Wen-t'ien) (p. 97) nominally was general secretary of the PB from 1935 to 1945 (when the office was abolished), but by 1936, during the author's conversations with him in Pao An, he deferred to Mao as principal authorized spokesman of the Party. His Party power sharply declined after a Party rectification (cheng-feng) in 1942, aimed at Wang Ming and other Soviet-educated members.

Lo Fu was the only Chinese PB member who knew the U.S.A. firsthand. Born in 1900, in Kiangsu, he was the son of a scholar-official (Man-chu regime) who became a prosperous businessman, able to send his son through engineering school in Nanking. Lo Fu then spent a year at the University of California (1921). On his return to China he taught school, worked as an editor, met Ch'u Ch'iu-pai and other left writers, translated Western classics under the pen name Lo Fu, was recruited to the CCP by Ch'en Yun, and studied at the Comintern's Sun Yat-sen University (1926-30). There he fell under the influence of Pavel Mif, the CMT delegate to the CCP. Chosen for the CC at the CCP Sixth Congress (Moscow, 1928), Lo Fu returned to Shanghai, became a PB member in 1931, and headed the Orgburo. As one of Mif's "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks, "Lo Fu opposed Mao Tse-tung's "peasant line"and his leadership in Kiangsi. For details of his career during this period, see Part Four, Chapter 6, note 3; and RNORC.

Lo Fu was re-elected to the CC and PB in 1945 and was the CPR's first ambassador to Russia (1949-55), but he steadily lost place after the Sino-Soviet split. In 1966 he was dropped from the PB. In 1967 he was attacked by the GPCR press as an ally of P'eng Teh-huai and Liu Shao-ch'i.

Lo Jui-ch'ing (p. 117n), former chief of staff of the PLA, was secretary general of the Party military affairs committee until his eclipse occurred early in 1966. In February, Red Guard wall posters accused him of involvement in a conspiracy (together with P'eng Chen, Liu Shao-ch'i and others) to seize supreme Party power from Mao Tse-tung in an alleged attempted coup.

Born into a gentry family in Szechuan in 1906, Lo Jui-ch'ing was close to his fellow Szechuanese, Chu Teh, Mao's military right arm during the whole Communist struggle for power. A graduate of the Soviet-financed Whampoa Academy, Canton, Lo joined the CCP in 1926, was a political officer under Yeh T'ing, and followed Chu Teh and Mao to Ching-kangshan. At some period (1932-34?) he studied secret police and security techniques in Moscow and, briefly, at a CMT special Party services school in Paris. Director of Security Forces during the Long March, he was teaching at the Red Army College in Pao An when the author met him in 1936. Thereafter Lo was in charge of various branches of security and intelligence, continuing in that role as Minister of Public Security and commander of Public Security Forces (1949-59). Elected to the CC in 1945, he became a secretary of the CC secretariat in 1961, under Teng Hsiao-p'ing, and a vice-premier of the SC PRC in 1959. In 1966 Red Guard posters accused him of conspiring, with P'eng Chen and others, to seize power from Mao. Reportedly he attempted suicide. He was paraded before one mass meeting with Teng Hsiao-p'ing and Lu Ting-yi, in 1967, wearing a placard of self-denunciation; but no attempt was yet made to bring him to formal trial.

Lo Jung-huan (p. 166) was born in Hungshan, Hunan, in 1902, and joined the CCP in 1921. He took part in the Nanchang Uprising and later was in the political department of the Red Army in Soviet Kiangsi. He was political commissar in Lin Piao's First Army Corps from 1932 throughout the Long March, and on into the War of Resistance, the Civil War (1948-49), and in Korea (1950). In 1955 he was named one of ten marshals of the PLA. After Lin Piao became Defense Minister in 1960, Lo Jung-huan headed the General Political Department of the PLA and was responsible for its security forces until his death in 1963.

Lo P'ing-hui (p. 173) was killed in combat in 1943.

Lu Ting-yi (p. 350) was born in 1904, in Wusih, Kiangsu, the son of a bourgeois family. He graduated from Chiaotung (Communications) University, Shanghai, and joined the CYL in 1922. He studied in Russia (1924-28) but did not collaborate with the "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks."He rose to high rank in the Party PB until 1966, when he was deprived of all his Party posts and identified as a collaborator of P'eng Chen (q.v.), foremost among anti-Maoists. He was until 1966 also a vice-chairman of the State Council. As director of the propaganda bureau of the Party CC he often acted as spokesman for Mao Tse-tung and other leaders. He wrote and edited many official press pronouncements and was also responsible for cultural and educational institutions. In 1966 Lu Ting-yi was blamed for rightist "anti-Party"and "black line"revisionist trends in the press and education. Dropped from the PB, he was replaced by T'ao Chu (q.v), who was himself soon eliminated. In 1967 the official press accused Lu of having joined P'eng Chen in an effort, in 1962, to secure Mao's effective retirement.

Ma Hai-teh (p. 377n), an American named George Hatem, was born in Buffalo, New York, in 1910, the son of Syrian immigrants. He completed his medical studies at the University of Geneva and went to practice in Shanghai. In 1936 he volunteered to serve in the Red areas. Dr. Hatem entered the Communist districts with the author, but asked him not to mention it when he left and wrote of the trip. That story, with an account of Dr. Hatem's subsequent career, was related in TOSOTR.

Mao An-ch'ing (p. 425), Mao's second son by Yang K'ai-hui, was born in Changsha (circa 1921), and was hidden by friends when his mother was arrested. He was sent to Shanghai with his brother and later went on to Russia, where he was educated, reportedly as an engineer. On his return to China he worked as a Russian-language interpreter and translated some textbooks. Mao An-ch'ing and Mao's two daughters by Chiang Ch'ing were his only surviving children, Mao said in 1965. When the author asked Mao about reports that his son was an engineer, Mao replied that he did not know what "they"had taught him in Russia and implied his disappointment that An-ch'ing had not been educated in China.

Mao An-ying (p. 425) was Mao's first son by Yang K'ai-hui, born in 1920. In 1930 he was arrested in Changsha with his mother, who was executed. Released, he was taken into hiding by other members of the family, who fled from Changsha. During the Second World War he studied in Russia. In 1948 he returned to China and for a few months worked on a commune in Shansi. Later he entered a higher Party school. Among the first of the Chinese to reach Korea during the intervention, he was in command of a division in the "Chinese People's Volunteer Corps"when he was killed on October 25, 1950.

Mao Tse-min (p. 159n), younger brother of Mao Tse-tung and Mao Tse-t'an, early followed them into the Party. In 1923 he worked with Mao and Liu Shao-ch'i in Hunanese labor organizations. When Mao was deputy director of the Kuomintang Peasant Movement Training Institute in 1925, Mao Tse-min was a student there. He participated in the Northern Expedition, joined Mao at Chingkangshan, took part in the Kiangsi Soviet struggles and made the Long March. In Pao An and Yenan he was, under Lin Tsu-han, deputy director of finance and economy. In 1938 he was sent to Sinkiang province to serve as a financial adviser to General Sheng Shih-ts'ai, who then followed a pro-Communist policy. When Sheng reversed himself, and initiated an anti-Communist purge, Mao Tse-min was arrested and in 1942 he was executed.

Mao Tse-t'an (p. 175) worked with his two brothers in organizing labor unions in 1925. During the Kiangsi Soviet period he specialized in "building the economy."He was criticized for sympathizing with the "Lo-Ming line"——reliance on guerrilla tactics (Mao Tse-tung's)——during the 1933-34 era, when the Politburo adopted a strategy of "meeting the enemy beyond the gates"and positional warfare. At the start of the Long March he was entrusted with the "State treasure."He was killed in action in 1935. Mao Tse-tung adopted and educated his children, as well as the children of Mao Tse-min.

Mao Tse-tung (p. 37). Part Four of this book, "Genesis of a Communist, "tells Mao's own story to the age of forty-three. I presented Mao with many questions concerning himself, the history of the Party, and his own leadership. The personal questions were used as a frame of reference; there were many flashbacks and flash-forwards, and various sidelong excursions elicited by further queries. I did extensive reorganization of my notes, and then gave the draft to Wu Liang-p'ing, who wrote a full translation. Mao read it over, corrected, reorganized, and amplified or condensed. The script was put into English again by Wu Liang-p'ing and myself, and then done into Chinese once more. Mao provided a revised text which Mr. Wu and I rendered into the final English.

On my return to Peking from the Northwest late in 1936 I quickly wrote up part of my notes. Early in 1937 I gave copies of my newspaper and magazine reports (about twenty-two articles) to some Chinese professors who translated and published them (semilegally) in a volume entitled Chung-kuo Hsi-pei Yin-hsiang Chi, "Impressions of Northwest China."In July, 1937, I gave the same professors a copy of the completed manuscript of Red Star Over China, which they smuggled to Shanghai (the Japanese had occupied Peking), where they organized a translation team to secure speedy publication. They were patriotic members of the National Salvation Association, to which I granted translation rights, with earnings assigned to the Chinese Red Cross. Their volume was called Hsi-hsing Man-chi, or "Travels in the West."It was the only authorized Chinese version of Mao's interviews.

Later on, various chapters and biographies were pirated from RSOC and reprinted in pamphlet form, in both English and Chinese. One of these, with the imprint of the "Truth Book Co., "of Canton, in 1938 appeared under the title, "The Autobiography of Mao Tse-tung, "which omitted my own interpolations, questions and comments. In Hongkong, in 1949, the same company reprinted that English-language pamphlet as "dictated by Edgar Snow"and "revised"and "annoted"by "Tang Szu-chen, "someone unknown to me. The 1949 pamphlet contained numerous footnotes in Chinese presumably intended to guide readers seeking to follow the English text. Some of the Chinese names and terms were given correctly, some were not, and the "annoter"added a number of errors. (Mr. T'ang explained that "tramped"meant "trampled"in Chinese, that "peach"meant "pear, "that "militancy"meant "military strength, "and so on.)

A few American scholars evidently accepted the Canton piracy, "The Autobiography of Mao Tse-tung, "or other Chinese translations, as "new sources, "independent from RSOC.

In 1960, when I was in Peking, Mao Tse-tung told me that he had never written an "autobiography"and that the story of his life as told to me was the only one of its kind. None is included in his official works. Mao added that he did not intend to write an autobiography.

At the end of the Long March all the archives of the Red Army were held in two dispatch boxes in Mao's cave. The details he related to me were almost entirely from memory and no man's memory is perfect. Besides unintentional (or intentional) omissions, he made a few mistakes in names and dates. For another thing, Mao spoke in a southern (Hunan-ese) dialect in which a northern "Hu"becomes a "Fu, "a "Shih"becomes "Ssu, "etc. The names of many Communist leaders now famous in China were then unknown, I did not always copy down every name in Chinese characters, and when it came to transliterating——miles away from the Red areas, in Peking——I often failed to get a correct version even with the help of politically sophisticated Chinese. Benefiting from the research literature now available, I have been able to correct some errors, but it is not improbable that others still remain in this text.

Except for such minor corrections as are acknowledged above, or in footnotes, I have left Mao's personal recollections untouched, but in some annotations I have attempted to widen the perspective and sharpen the focus of his account of events. Biographical data here about Mao's coworkers and rivals may also help to illuminate certain happenings. For the reader's immediate convenience some highlights of Mao's career down to 1968 are summarized below.

Following the Sian Incident (1936) Mao moved his headquarters to Yenan. In January, 1937, he became chairman of the directorate of K'ang Ta ("Resist-Japan University"), a key post in that transitional period. In the same year he wrote On Practice and On Contradiction, followed in 1938 by On Protracted War. Prior to publication all were delivered as lectures at K'ang Ta (he told me in 1960) attended by PB and CC members. In August, 1937, at a meeting of the PB, enlarged by CC members (the Lochuan Conference), Mao's leadership as chairman was confirmed. Chang Kuo-t'ao, condemned for his "rightism"and violations of PB orders, was invited to confess his errors. He did so only superficially; in the following year he voluntarily left the Red areas to work for Chiang Kai-shek. With his departure practically the last open knowledge of any serious challenge to Mao's supremacy vanished until some intraparty controversies were publicly exhumed in 1966-67.

During the decade 1939-49 Mao wrote more political essays and evolved his military concepts, many originally expounded first as lectures at Kang Ta and the Party school of which he was president. (See Bibliography.) At the Seventh CCP Congress, in 1945, Mao was elected chairman of the CC and PB. After writing On Coalition Government he went to Chungking with Chou En-lai (August, 1945) but failed to realize his ideas there. Civil war was resumed in June, 1946, and Mao became PLA C-in-C, with Chu Teh as field commander. Retreating from KMT-occupied Yenan to the mountains of Shansi in 1947, Mao planned operations with Chou En-lai, Jen Pi-shih, Ch'en Yi, P'eng Teh-huai and others, then recovered Yenan and the whole Northwest region in 1948.

In 1949, Mao's On the People's Democratic Dictatorship provided the framework for the provisional people's government (of various classes), set up in Peking, of which he became chairman. Late in 1949 he went to Moscow (his first trip abroad), where he and Chou En-lai negotiated the thirty-year Sino-Soviet treaty of alliance signed in 1950. Following the Korean War (in which Mao's full role has yet to be revealed) adoption of the constitution formally established the CPR, and in 1954 the NPC elected Mao chairman and chief of state. At the Eighth Congress of the CCP (1956) Mao was re-elected chairman of the CC and the PB; thus he became both the titular head of the governmental superstructure and the leader of the Party.

In 1957 Mao led China's delegation to Moscow's fortieth-anniversary celebrations of the October Revolution and there signed the manifesto of the Communist and Workers' parties of sixty-four countries. While in Moscow, Mao made a speech in which he proclaimed Communist world strategic superiority, which he described as a "turning point"of an "East Wind prevailing over the West Wind."Tacit rejection of Mao's "turning point"theses by Khrushchev——whose "thaw"in the cold war was already well advanced——marked the beginning of the end of Sino-Soviet collaboration against U.S. imperialism, which became an open split by 1960.

Meanwhile the CCP CC had carried through an agrarian revolution in accordance with Mao's Outlines of Agrarian Reform Law, which phased agriculture through various stages of land distribution, cooperatives, and basic collectivization. Major industry was nationalized and capitalism was transformed, with private ownership of small enterprises merging into full state ownership and operation. CC directives under Mao revolutionized the social, cultural, and political life of the country and introduced state planning. In 1957, Mao's On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (which recognized the continuation of class contradictions after a proletarian seizure of power) launched the brief-lived "Hundred Flowers"period of free speech and free criticism——to reveal widespread Party and extra-Party dissatisfaction with the "democratic dictatorship."A drastic purge of "rightists"soon followed.

Hard upon the "rectification"came Mao's Great Leap Forward and the communes. Some experiments of the controversial GLF (such as backyard steel-making) were later acknowledged as errors. The communes were soon abandoned in the cities but they persisted, in form, in the countryside. Khrushchev ridiculed both the GLF and the communes as "adventurism"and attributed China's food crisis and the "disaster years"of 1959-62 to Mao's innovations.

At the Lushan Conference of the CC, in August, 1959, Defense Minister P'eng Teh-huai was dismissed from office. It was known that he had opposed Mao's "general line, "the GLF, communes, and "politics in command"(vs. "economism"or pragmatism) and had sought to heal the break with the U.S.S.R. Not until a year after the launching of the GPCR (1966) and its attack on President Liu Shao-ch'i, however, did the Maoist press reveal something of the depth of the Party crisis of that period, and the ill-repaired split it had occasioned. Only at that time, also, did it become apparent that Mao had not altogether voluntarily retired from his post of chairmanship of the government in favor of Liu Shao-ch'i at the end of 1959. Evidently Marshal P'eng's dismissal (he was succeeded by Lin Piao) had been compensated for by some modifications in Mao's powers and policies, and loss of prestige within the CC.

China's partial economic recovery in 1963 and 1964, accompanied by Lin Piao's egalitarian army reforms and a "socialist[re]education"campaign in the countryside and among youth, foreshadowed the GPCR, the Red Guards, and a renewed contest between what may be inadequately termed Party ideologues versus pragmatists, or revolutionary purists versus politician technocrats, in dispute over whether the Party machine would command the Mao cult or Mao would command the machine. Pragmatists could be seen as "revisionists"of Maoist doctrine both at home and abroad, especially of its total irreconcilability with post-Stalinist Soviet doctrine, called "Khrushchevism."Achievement of the atomic bomb (October, 1964), was acclaimed as a fruit of "self-reliance"by the Maoists and China's hydrogen bomb, in 1967, was likewise a product of the Thought of Mao. In 1965 there were unprecedented demonstrations of adoration and veneration of Mao and other signs of a coming all-out coun-teroffensive against revisionists. No doubt the American armed intervention in Vietnam also helped detonate the raw materials of internal combustion in a struggle for power which broke fully into the open in China in 1966.

Circumstances under which Mao managed to put through a resolution at the eleventh plenary session of the Eighth Party Congress which launched the GPCR, later utilized to attack many leaders who voted for it, were paradoxical. Evidently the meeting followed attempts by a CC group at a coup intended either to secure Mao's effective retirement or at least to bring the Cult under their control. Those involved included the PLA chief of staff, Lo Jui-ch'ing, a vice-premier; Ulanfu, the Mongol leader who was the only non-Han vice-premier in the PB; Li Ching-ch'uan, Party and PLA leader in Southwest China; former defense minister P'eng Teh-huai; Wang En-mao, commander of the Sinkiang region; Mayor P'eng Chen, boss of the North China CC and high in the PB; Vice-Premier Lu Ting-yi, PB member and CC propaganda chief; and various other CC leaders later alleged to have had support from President Liu Shao-ch'i, first vice-chairman of the Party and Mao's designated successor, and Vice-Premier Teng Hsiao-p'ing, general secretary of the CC and the PB standing committee. Subsequent developments singled out Liu Shao-ch'i and Teng Hsiao-p'ing as prime targets of GPCR resolution. Yet at the CC meeting itself their supporters were sufficiently powerful to re-elect them to the PB, albeit in downgraded positions.

Evidently Mao had possessed strength enough in the CC to win sanction for the GPCR but not formally to attack and depose President Liu in a frontal assault on the whole Party-state bureaucratic administrative apparatus largely built up by Liu and by Teng Hsiao-p'ing. The alternative was to mobilize and indoctrinate millions of extra-Party youths, and Red Guards reinforced by the PLA, to overthrow key anti-Mao bureaucrats ("revisionists") regionally entrenched in power. In 1966 it became clear that Liu was the No. 1 target of the GPCR among "the handful of those in the Party in authority who are taking the capitalist road."But not until August, 1967, did the Maoist press (seized from the revisionists by "rebel revolutionaries"), having depicted Liu as "China's Khrushchev, "openly charge him and his accomplices with concrete acts of collusion with Marshal P'eng Teh-huai.

Now publication of excerpts from the 1959 CC resolution revealed that P'eng, Lo Fu and a few others who enjoyed the "shelter of the bourgeois headquarters headed by China's Khrushchev"had "viciously attacked"Mao's "general line"at the Lushan (1959) meeting, calling it "left adventurism"and "petty bourgeois fanaticism."According to P'eng the GLF was a "rush of blood to the brain, ""a high fever, "and the communes, "set up too early, "were "a mess."After P'eng's dismissal Liu himself had deplored the effects on Party unity, had repeated some of P'eng's criticisms, and had called the economic crisis "three parts natural calamities and seven parts man-made disasters."What the farmers needed, he was accused of having told cadres, were the incentives of larger private plots and wider free markets. What small enterprise needed was less centralization and more freedom to produce for consumer demand. That was more or less (after 1960) what they had got. And what the country needed was "open opposition both among the people and within the Party."And that too was what the Red Guards had got——but open opposition to Liu Shao-ch'i, the man for material incentives, and not to Mao, who stressed motivations of service, class struggle, and revolutionary glory.

Now it was also revealed that P'eng Teh-huai had secretly written an 80, 000-word book amplifying his critique, and had circulated it among army and CC leaders. Among those who attended the eleventh plenary session the book had probably been carefully read. Once the GPCR was launched P'eng's views must have found far wider circulation——not least in Szechuan, where P'eng apparently had found sanctuary and sympathizers. After more than a year of ceaseless Red Guard pressure (which Mao had insisted must eschew violence and win by persuasion alone——advice partly ineffective) evidently neither Liu Shao-ch'i nor Teng Hsiao-p'ing had offered satisfactory "confessions"of error. Nor had P'eng Tehhuai huai or, as far as is known, any of the other "top persons in the Party taking the capitalist road."

Not even to secure Russia's backing in the event of a Sino-American war would Mao compromise over ideological and national differences, as Liu and others may have sought to do. Nor would he compromise to preserve the unity and power of the Party at the expense of his own prestige——which he identified absolutely with China's survival. Indeed the GPCR aimed at no less than to destroy that Party bureaucratic power over which Mao's Thought could not command absolute authority. It sought to seize and place that power in the hands of persons and producers (especially youth) committed only to Mao, to those in the Party committed only to Mao, and to the army over which——in so far as Lin Piao could command it——Mao's Thought reigned supreme. In this new "three-way alliance"all but the Mao-dedicated among the managerial elite would be thrown out or downgraded, while a new ruling system——bypassing at least part of a whole generation of Party-trained aspirants to power——might emerge in real control of the means of production and administration. Would it go so far? Or would it end, like the Great Leap Forward, pronounced a success to cover a retreat and redirection of energies, the better to resume the struggle another day?

In China's 3, 000 years of written history the combination of Mao's achievements was perhaps unique. Others had ridden to power on the backs of the peasants and left them in the mud; Mao sought to keep them permanently erect. Dreamer, warrior, politician, ideologist, poet, egoist, revolutionary destroyer-creator, Mao had led a movement to uproot one-fourth of humanity and turn a wretched peasantry into a powerful modern army which united a long-divided empire; provided a system of thought shaped by valid Chinese needs and aspirations; brought scientific and technical training to millions and literacy to the masses; laid the foundations of a modernized economy, able to place world-shaking nuclear power in Chinese hands; restored China's self-respect and world respect for or fear of China; and set up examples of self-reliance for such of the earth's poor and oppressed as dared to rebel. No wonder Mao refused to yield ground to those who sought to revise his success formula.

For Mao, as he neared the three-quarter-century mark, the GPCR might be a last struggle. But Maoism had become larger than Mao, and if the GPCR failed to suppress revisionism, neither could revisionism permanently erase the impact, for better or worse, of the life of Mao Tse-tung.

(In 1965 the author talked with Mao for four hours and found him mentally alert and in good health for his age. At this writing there was still no evidence to support newly made rumors of Mao's "fatal"illnesses——cancer, heart trouble, Parkinson's disease, etc.)

Mif, Pavel (p. 424) was Stalin's appointee to the CMT Far Eastern Department to replace Lominadze after the latter joined Syrtzov in an attempt to overthrow Stalin. Mif had been on the CMT "China Commission"as early as 1925; as a teacher at Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow he helped to expel pro-Trotsky Chinese students there in 1927. He was made director of the university in 1929, when he also took over the CMT China desk and eliminated Earl Browder as chief of the CMT Far Eastern Bureau. Mif's role as brood-hen of his Chinese students sent back to take over the CCP leadership is briefly described in Part Four, Chapter 6, note 3. His influence waned after Mao's rise in 1935 but he continued to serve in the CMT until 1938. He then became a joint editor of Tikhii Ocean, organ of the U.S.S.R. Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations.

Nieh Ho-t'ing (p. 257n) was born in Hu-yuan, Anhui, in 1908, in a family of small landlords. After primary school he studied one year in the Han-Mei (Chinese-American) Middle School in Anyuan, then graduated from a two-year teachers' training school in Anyuan. Involved in revolutionary student activity, he fled from an arrest order, to Nanchang, where he entered a military academy. In 1924 he joined the CCP and was sent back to Anhui, where he taught for a year and organized a Party cell. After April, 1927, he took part in an Anhui uprising which failed. He participated in the Nanchang and Canton uprisings, and escaped to Hongkong. He worked underground in Shanghai (1928-29) and entered Kiangsi in 1930. As a Red division commander he was wounded, recovered in time for the Changsha victory, and fought throughout the Kiangsi campaigns. In 1935 he was deputy chief of the political department of the Red Army. In the war against Japan he organized large guerrilla forces in Shansi and Hopei. A member of the CC and of the National Defense Council, he seemed somewhat eclipsed after the dismissal of P'eng Teh-huai in 1960.

Nieh Jung-chen (p. 329) was in 1967 a member of the CC, a vice-premier of the State Council, vice-chairman of the National Defense Council, a member of the Party military affairs committee, and chairman of the Scientific and Technological Commission to which China's nuclear program was entrusted. He was born near Chungking, Szechuan, in 1899, in a rich peasant family. He left Chungking Middle School to join the Work-Study group that went to France in 1920. He worked part time in the Schneider munitions plant, then entered a "workers' college"in Belgium, studied natural science two years, and acquired some technical training as an electrician. In France he met Chou En-lai, studied Marxism under the French instructor who taught Li Fu-ch'un, and joined the CCP by way of the branch CYL in France. He learned French and some German and English. In 1924 he studied in the Red Army Military Academy in Moscow for six months, and in 1925-26 was secretary of the political department of Whampoa Academy. He participated in the Nanchang Uprising, as political commissar in Yeh T'ing's division, took part in the Canton Commune, and from 1931 was in the political department of the Red Army in Kiangsi. He made the Long March and in 1936 was chief of staff of the First Red Army Corps. During the Resistance War he became famous as an organizer of guerrilla forces in the Wu-T'ai Mountains, and after the Liberation War was made one of China's ten marshals of the PLA. In 1966 he entered the PB as a full member, with duties of the highest responsibility.

P'eng Chen (p. 419), the dynamic former mayor of Peking, stood only twenty-ninth in CC precedence but was listed as ninth in PB rank before his seeming political eclipse in 1966. It was under Liu Shao-ch'i that P'eng rose to prominence in the Party for his work (1935-39) in the North China Bureau. Their close relationship persisted when, while P'eng was Peking Party secretary, and first deputy to Teng Hsiao-p'ing on the CC secretariat, Chairman Liu became the main target of the Red Guards among "those in the Party in authority who are taking the capitalist road."

Born in Shansi in 1899, in an impoverished gentry family, P'eng attended a normal school where he was infected by the May Fourth Movement. He drifted into radical company, studied Marxism in the CYL in 1922, helped organize railway workers, and was briefly jailed in Peking. He joined the CCP in 1926 but played no significant role until he began to organize students and teachers in the Peking-Tientsin area in 1935, at a time when Liu Shao-ch'i was chief of the bureau there (underground) and K'e Cheng-shih was his first deputy. In 1937 he visited Yenan and was assigned to work in Shansi and Hopei. From 1939 to 1942 he taught at the Party school in Yenan and, as a deputy director under Lin Piao, had special responsibilities for indoctrination in "rectification"principles. Elected to the CC in 1945, he accompanied Lin Piao to Manchuria and served there (1946-49) as Party deputy under Ch'en Yun, after which he became secretary of the Peking Party Committee (1949-66) and mayor (1951-66). Re-elected to the PB in 1956, he was No. 2 under Teng Hsiao-p'ing in the CC secretariat, the operational arm of the PB.

P'eng began to emerge as CCP CC spokesman abroad when he denounced Khrushchev at Bucharest in 1960 for criticizing Mao and advocating coexistence with the U.S.A. Subsequently he led various delegations abroad (1961-63). This work was climaxed (1965) by a long speech in Indonesia which bitterly denounced Russia and contained all the essential exhortations repeated later in Lin Piao's call for world revolution under Mao's banner——"Long Live the Victory of the People's War！"

P'eng was accused by the press and by Red Guard posters of planning a "February[1966]coup"against Mao, but the charges rested publicly unsubstantiated two years later. Stripped of his posts in the spring of 1966 and succeeded by Li Hsueh-feng as Peking Party secretary, he was variously reported killed or a suicide. But in April, 1967, he was recognized by a foreign visitor when seen (partly bald, of medium height, a brief case under his arm) strolling through the Imperial Palace grounds of Peking, a stone's throw from Mao Tse-tung's residence. Official Peking press vilification of P'eng as a "renegade, ""revisionist, ""counterrevolutionary, "and "anti-Party minister"continued throughout 1967 but no confession by P'eng was yet forthcoming.

P'eng P'ai (p. 157), a member of the Central Committee, held views on the poor peasants as a "main force"of the revolution very similar to Mao Tse-tung's. In the same month (November, 1928) that Mao set up a soviet at Chingkangshan, P'eng P'ai led formation of the Hailufeng Soviet on the Kwangtung provincial border. Hailufeng was destroyed by KMT forces and P'eng P'ai was executed in 1929. See RNORC.

P'eng Teh-huai (p. 169) was deputy commander-in-chief of the Eighth Route Army, under Chu Teh. He successfully expanded guerrilla war against Japan (1937-45). As deputy commander of the Northwest Border Area during the Second Civil War (1946'49), P'eng defeated KMT forces which invaded Shensi. In 1950 he succeeded Lin Piao as commander-in-chief of the Chinese "Volunteers"in North Korea and held that position until the truce with the United Nations forces. As a marshal of the army (1955), a member of the PB, and Minister of Defense, P'eng was until 1960 the chief liaison between the PLA and the Soviet military advisers during the modernization of China's armed forces and basic construction of modern military industries.

As bitter Sino-Soviet ideological and strategic differences intensified during 1957-59, P'eng apparently favored placating Russia to gain time and strength. He did not believe China was yet ready to "go it alone."He also opposed Mao's "self-reliance"strategy and a return to Yenan guerrilla-style training in the army. In September, 1959, P'eng was defeated in a fateful meeting of the Party and defense chiefs and was dismissed from his posts. Under P'eng's successor, Lin Piao, Russian influences were extirpated from the army. (See RNORC and TOSOTR.) In 1967 the Red Guard and official press aired charges against P'eng Teh-huai as a counterrevolutionary who conspired with Liu Shao-ch'i against Mao as early as 1959.

Po I-po (p. 419) rose steadily in the Party hierarchy, reaching the PB in 1956. He was re-elected in August, 1966, but in 1967 came under attack by the Red Guards for alleged past sympathy with the policies of Chairman Liu Shao-ch'i.

Po's real name was Po Shu-ts'un and he was born in Tingshang, Shansi, in 1907, with a gentry family background. He joined the CCP in 1926 and was arrested and imprisoned in Peking in 1933. Released in 1936, he may have been one of those Communists who recanted, in that year, on authorization of the regional Party leader (Liu Shao-ch'i), in order to secure their freedom——a crime for which Hsu Ping came under attack as late as 1967. Po worked as a political commissar in North China guerrilla areas throughout the Second World War and the Second Civil (Liberation) War. He specialized in financial and economic affairs and state planning from 1951 onward and held important supervisory powers over major industrial ministries down to 1967.

Po Ku (Ch'in Pang-hsien) (p. 251) died in an airplane crash in 1946, but since he was general secretary of the Party, chief antagonist of Mao from 1932 to 1935, and responsible for policies that Mao in 1945 asserted had "cost more Communist lives than enemies', "some knowledge of his career remains important to an understanding of Party history.

Born in 1908, the only son of a county magistrate, Ch'in Pang-hsien graduated from a Soochow technical school at seventeen, and then entered the CCP-organized Shanghai University, studied English, and joined the CCP. Sent to Russia in 1926, he studied four years at the CMT's Sun Yat-sen University, where, like his classmate Wang Ming (q.v.) he became fluent in Russian and in Marxist-Leninist doctrine. In 1930 he returned to China as one of Pavel Mif's "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks, "and helped Mif and Wang Ming discredit Li Li-san and put Wang Ming in the leadership, although Hsiang Chung-fa remained nominally secretary general. With the latter's execution by the KMT in 1931, Wang Ming (aged twenty-four) replaced him, and Po Ku (aged twenty-three) became Wang Ming's first deputy. Later that year Wang Ming returned to Moscow and became resident delegate on the CEC of the CMT. Po Ku was elected general secretary of the CCP CC and PB. In the protracted struggle between "Moscow-oriented"and "native"Marxists for dominance in the Chinese Party leadership (which reflected differences over the relative importance of the cities and the countryside in the conquest of power) Po Ku personified the former and Mao Tse-tung the latter. For a brief chronological digest of events of that struggle see Part Four, Chapter 6, note 3.

At the end of the Long March Po Ku continued in the PB, and in 1936 the author found him acting as chairman of the provisional Northwest Soviet Government. In December, 1936, he accompanied Chou En-lai to Sian during the Incident there. After the KMT-CCP truce of 1937 he became propaganda director in the Eighth Route Army's liaison mission in Chungking (1938-40), and then was first editor of the Liberation Daily in Yenan.

Po Ku's name was linked with Wang Ming's once more during the rectification movement (1942). By 1945 his dwindling influence was indicated in his decline to No. 44 position in the CC, to which he was reelected shortly before his death. Po Ku was married to Liu Ch'un-hsien, also Moscow-trained, whom he divorced. He fathered seven children. For interviews with him, and his autobiography as told to the author, see RNORC.

P'u Yi, Emperor (p. 120), abdicated from the throne of the Ch'ing Dynasty in 1911, when the ancient empire collapsed and the first Republic was established. He was then five years old. After a brief attempt at a restoration by militarists, he fled in 1915 to the Japanese Concession in Tientsin. In 1934 he left Tientsin with Japanese officers who installed him in occupied Manchuria as puppet emperor of the puppet empire of Manchukuo. In 1945 he was seized by the Russians during their occupation of Manchuria. In 1950 he fell into the Chinese Communist's hands. After a long period of "thought remolding"he was a common gardener in the Botanical Institute when the author met him in Peking in 1960. By 1965 he was a member of the Academy of History——working on the archives of his imperial ancestors——and held a seat in the CPPCC. He had divorced his several imperial brides and, for the first time, married a woman of his own choice, a Chinese nurse. He had also written an interesting autobiography, From Emperor to Citizen, Peking, 1965 (The Last Manchu, N.Y., 1967), when he died in Peking, of cancer, in 1967.

Shao Li-tzu (p. 43), a native of Ningpo, Chekiang, remained with the Nationalists until after Pearl Harbor, when he favored a coalition government between the Kuomintang and the Communists. He helped to form the CPPCC, which in 1949 represented a fusion of non-Communist but anti-Chiang Kai-shek "united front"groups and parties, including a "revolutionary Kuomintang."In 1949 the CPPCC, with 662 delegates present (Communist-led), formally adopted a "Common Program"and an Organic Law for its own existence, to proclaim the People's Republic of China. In 1954 the Conference adopted a constitution and announced an election to be held to choose delegates to an NPC, to which it then transferred power. The CPPCC continued to exist also, however, to represent non-Communist elements. Shao Li-tzu remained one of its factotums. In 1967, at the age of eighty-eight, he still held minor government posts and frequently appeared at state functions.

Soong (Sung) Ch'ing-ling (Mme. Sun Yat-sen) (p. 99n), who married Dr. Sun Yat-sen in Japan (1914), was a graduate of Wesleyan College, Macon, Georgia. She was born in Shanghai (circa 1895), the second of three sisters, of whom the youngest was Soong Mei-ling (Mme. Chiang Kai-shek), in a family originally from Hainan island. After the death of Dr. Sun, his widow remained a member of the CEC of the KMT but continued to uphold a pro-Communist, or leftist, interpretation of his principles, and declined office in Chiang Kai-shek's government. In the CPR she held leading positions in women's organizations and in the fields of child care and education. In 1968 she was a vice-chairman of the NPC, an office she had held since the inception of the People's Republic. After the vilification of Liu Shao-ch'i, Soong Ch'ing-ling received foreign envoys on official occasions, as acting chief of state. For a profile of Mme. Sun, see JTTB and the Biographical Notes in the Penguin revised edition of RSOC (1972).

Su Yu (p. 189) was in 1966 among the few generals under the age of sixty who were veterans of the Nanchang Uprising, the "birth of the Red Army."Chief of the PLA General Staff (1954-58), when P'eng Teh-huai was defense minister, he seemed somewhat eclipsed after P'eng's dismissal in 1959. In 1966 he was re-elected to the CC and held a high position as a member of the Party military affairs committee.

Born in 1909 in Fukien, he attended the Second Hunan Normal School, where in 1926 he joined the CYL branch established by Mao Tse-tung. In 1927 he enlisted in Yeh T'ing's army, with about 1, 000 other student members of the CYL-CCP, in time to participate in the Uprising. Two years later he led a division in the Fourth Red Army, and by 1932 was chief of staff of the Tenth Army. During the Long March he stayed behind as chief of staff to Fang Chih-min. After Fang's capture and execution Su took command. His rear guard force later merged with Ch'en Yi's army, which in 1937 became part of the New Fourth Army, of which Su Yu was vice-commander. Thereafter, as Ch'en's deputy, his career ran parallel to Ch'en's until after the establishment of the CPR. Su held many important administrative and political responsibilities besides the military posts mentioned above.

Sun Ming-chiu (p.380) was in 1964 reportedly a vice-admiral in the naval forces of the CPR.

Sun Yat-sen, Mme. See Soong Ch'ing-ling.

T'an Chen-lin (p. 167n) was born in 1912, a native of Kiangsi. In the Party PB from 1956, he was a specialist in agricultural policies who came under Red Guard attack in 1966. A follower of Mao Tse-tung since the Autumn Harvest Uprising (1927), he supported Mao's military concepts in Kiangsi in opposition to the "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks, "and was a Long March veteran. He played a role in the Resistance War at the highest level of political and military command. During the Second Civil War he was a member of the Front Committee led by Teng Hsiao-p'ing, which directed all the PLA forces in eastern China. In 1966 he stood eighteenth in Politburo rank——a vice-premier and a member of the CC secretariat. Despite criticism by Red Guards he appeared in public with Mao in May, 1967.

Tao Chu (p. 432), a Hunanese born in 1906, joined the CCP about 1927 and after 1930 was active in the Oyuwan Soviet with Li Hsien-nien. He held responsible posts representing the CC in various armies throughout the Resistance War and the Second Civil War, and after 1949 became a leading Party secretary in South China. In 1962 he was vice-premier of the SC of the CPR and chief of the Party bureau in the Central-South region. At the eleventh plenary session of the Eighth Party Congress (August, 1966) he was jumped from No. 95 rank in the CC to the fourth highest rank in PB membership, as published after that meeting. He emerged as chief among those responsible for carrying through the GPCR. By November, 1966, he had been discredited as a "pragmatist-revisionist"and had fled to obscurity in the South. Judging from attacks in Ch'en Po-ta's official press on T'ao Chu's two books, formerly used as training texts for youth (Ideals, Integrity and Spiritual Life and Thinking, Feeling and Literary Talent), he had overemphasized the material rewards promised by communism and understated the importance of continued class struggle as taught by Mao. Perhaps more significant than the formal charges, Ch'en Po-ta took over T'ao Chu's tasks as propaganda-culture chief.

Teng Fa (p. 52) was a PB member at the time of his death in the airplane crash, April, 1946, which also killed Po Ku, Yeh T'ing, and Wang Jo-fei.

Teng Hsiao-p'ing (p. 122), after 1954 general secretary to the CCP CC, became a principal target, during the GPCR, among "those in the Party in authority who are taking the capitalist road."He was born in 1904 in Chiating, Szechuan. After a rudimentary schooling he joined the Work-Study Plan and went to France in 1920. When the author met him at Yu Wang Pao, Shensi (August 19, 1936), Teng said that he did not attend school in France but spent his five years there as a worker. He learned Marxism from French workers and became a Chinese member of the French Communist Party, from which he transferred to the CCP. In 1925 he returned to China by way of Russia, where he "studied several months."General Feng Yu-hsiang, commander of the Kuominchun ("People's Army"), was visiting in Moscow in 1926. Teng joined Feng's headquarters and became dean of a training school Feng set up at San-yuan, near Sian. In 1927 he helped form a peasant army in Kiangsi. After the counterrevolution Teng worked in the Shanghai Party underground until 1929. He then formed the Seventh Red Army at Lungchow, Kwangsi. "The Lungchow Soviet had relations with the Annamites[Vietnamese]who began the worker-peasant rebellion in 1930. French airplanes bombed Lungchow and we shot one down, "Teng told the author in 1936. Combined French and Nationalist forces destroyed the Lungchow soviet movement, as well as the Vietnamese forces, but the latter maintained ties with the Chinese guerrillas. With remnants of the Seventh Army, Teng made his way through Kwangsi and Kiangsi to Chingkangshan. With his followers reorganized as the Eighth Army, he took part in the capture of Changsha in 1930. From 1932 to 1934 Teng was in the political department of the Red Army and edited Hung Hsing (Red Star). In that period he supported the "Lo-Ming line, "which followed guerrilla tactics and strategy advocated by Mao Tse-tung, in opposition to the prevailing PB leadership. In 1935, at Tsunyi, he voted for Mao to lead the CCP PB.

During the Long March Teng Hsiao-p'ing was deputy commander and political commissar of Liu Po-ch'eng's Twelfth Division. He backed Mao Tse-tung in his dispute with Chang Kuo-t'ao at Maoerhkai, and he completed the Long March with Mao's columns. In 1936 he was Nieh Jung-chen's deputy as political commissar of the First Army Corps in Kansu.

At the start of the Resistance War in 1937, Teng became political commissar of the 129th Division commanded by Liu Po-ch'eng, with whose forces he was identified for the next twelve years. In 1943 Teng headed the general political department of the People's Revolutionary Military Council and entered the secretariat of the CC. At the Seventh Party Congress (Yenan, 1945) he became secretary of the CC and PB. Returning to the field with Liu Po-ch'eng, he served as chief of the General Front Committee, the supreme staff of all the PLA on the Central Plains, and was also political commissar of Liu Po-ch'eng's army of victory in Szechuan (1949). As such he carried out Mao's "general strategic concepts"which led to the complete defeat of all Chiang Kai-shek's armies north of the Yangtze River. Teng became first secretary of the Party's Southwest Bureau and concurrently a vice-chairman of the provisional government (1950-54). From 1952 to 1954 he was minister of finance and a member of the State Planning Commission. With formation of the NPC in 1954, he became a deputy premier and a deputy chairman of the National Defense Council. In 1956 the Eighth Congress of the CC restored the post of general secretary (which no longer carried the primary leadership role, however), and Teng was elected to that office. Third in rank in the SC, Teng Hsiao-p'ing served as Acting Premier during Chou En-lai's absences from China (winter, 1963-64, and March, 1965). At the August, 1966, meeting of the CC, Teng was re-elected to the PB and listed sixth, as before, but he was no longer vice-chairman of the Party or PB general secretary. Until December, 1966, Teng Hsiao-p'ing and Liu Shao-ch'i both appeared on the stand with Mao to review the Red Guards, but after that became prime targets of wall poster attacks. Their followers were widely accused of sabotaging the GPCR and were driven from office by Red Guards (often with PLA help) in half a dozen major cities and provinces, but elsewhere they stubbornly clung to power. Teng's fate at this writing was undetermined.

Teng Tzu-hui (p. 169) during the Resistance and Second Civil wars resumed his ties in Fukien, where he was a veteran guerrilla leader, and carried out many responsible political, cultural, and military missions from 1937 onward. Born in 1893, in Lungai, Fukien, he attended middle school in Amoy, studied briefly in Japan (1916), taught school, joined the KMT in 1925 and the CCP a year later. He was active throughout the Kiangsi Soviet period, notably with Chu Teh and Chang Ting-ch'eng. He remained a second-line though respected leader, who was re-elected to the CC in 1966.

Teng Ying-ch'ao (Mme. Chou En-lai) (p. 73) in 1956 ranked nineteenth in the list of CC members and was re-elected to the CC in 1966. She had continued her activities as a leader of women's organizations during and after the Resistance War and the Liberation War, and as a member of the NPC standing committee since 1955.

Born in 1903 in Hsinyang county, Honan, of the gentry (her mother tutored in the Yuan Shih-k'ai family), she studied at the First Girls' Normal School in Tientsin and then graduated from Peking Higher Normal School. A radical student, she was arrested in 1919 and briefly jailed. With Chou En-lai she helped found the Awakening Society (Chueh Wu She), and she joined the Work-Study Plan, with Chou and others, to go to France. A member of the Chinese CYL in Paris, she returned to China in 1924, joined the CCP, married Chou, was elected to the KMT CEC (1926) and was the only prominent woman participant in the Nanchang Uprising. In 1928 she went to Russia with Chou, and returned with him to China to do underground work (1928-31), until she entered Soviet Kiangsi, where she led the women's work department of the CC. She was one of only thirty-five women who made the Long March, during which she developed pulmonary tuberculosis and had to be carried on a stretcher. In 1937, while convalescing outside Peking, she was endangered when Japanese occupied the city. The author helped her escape to guerrilla territory.^[*] From 1938 onward she played a leading role in the political organization of women both in China and internationally, frequently traveling with her husband. Mme. Chou shared the danger and hardships of her husband's life in an extremely close relationship since their schooldays. Her urbanity and simplicity, mixed with patriotic and revolutionary ardor, won her nation-wide respect. For further information about Teng Ying-ch'ao, see JTTB.

Ting Ling (p.123), born in Hunan in 1907, became China's best-known revolutionary woman writer. She studied at Peking University and Shanghai University, began to publish short stories in 1927, and married another noted writer, Hu Yeh-p'ing, who had joined the CCP in 1929. Ting Ling joined in 1931. Both were members of the semiunderground League of Left Writers, organized in Shanghai in 1929, and both were arrested by KMT authorities in 1933. Hu was the leader of a Shanghai ricksha-pullers union and a CC member who supported Li Li-san and opposed Wang Ming. He was executed but Ting Ling was released in 1936, and went to Yenan the same year. There she wrote, taught, and published some articles which satirized the CCP, but were in sympathy with Mao Tse-tung's "Talks at the Yenan Forum on Art and Literature."In 1950 she was elected chairman of the Central Literary Institute.

Formally declared a rightist and "anti-Party"in 1957, Ting Ling refused to admit her "mistakes"; she was expelled from the CCP and sent to a commune to undergo thought reform. Sunshine over the Sangkan River, which had won her a Stalin Award (1952), was withdrawn from sale in China, together with Ting Ling's other works. In 1960 the author was authoritatively told that Ting Ling was dismissed from the Party not because of her anti-Party literary works but because she had "lied to the Party"about the circumstances under which she was released from prison in Nanking in 1936. For early data on Ting Ling see Snow, Living China (N.Y., 1937).

Ts'ai Ch'ang (p.73), born in Hunan in 1900, a sister of Ts'ai Ho-sen (q.v), received a classical education to a degree unusual for girls. She joined the Paris branch CYL with her husband, Li Fu-ch'un, and in 1924 became the first director of the women's department, CCP CC. She was one of thirty-five women on the Long March and the only woman member of the CC at the front in 1936. Re-elected to the CC in 1956, with the rank of No. 12 in the Party, she was also a delegate to the NPC from 1956, and chairman of the Democratic Women's Federation. A leader of the women's auxiliary of the Red Guards, she was re-elected to the CC in 1966 but played no conspicuous role in the GPCR after August of that year.

Ts'ai Ho-sen (p. 73) probably had a greater influence than anyone else on Mao's thinking as a revolutionary "internationalist."The son of an intellectual family of Hunan, Ts'ai was among the first Chinese to join the Work-Study student emigrants to France in 1920, and perhaps the first Chinese to espouse the Communist cause there. Ts'ai Ch'ang, his sister, accompanied him to Europe. While in France he kept up a lively correspondence with Mao. After he returned to China, Ts'ai played a leading role in the CC during the 1925-27 period. At the time of his arrest and execution in 1927, by order of Chiang Kai-shek, he was a member of the Party PB. His wife, Hsiang Ching-wu, a fellow Hunanese whom he married in France, was an outstanding women's leader; she was executed in 1928.

Ts'ai Shu-fan (p. 349) was a trade-union leader and member of the CC at the time of his death (aged fifty-three) in an airplane crash, en route to the U.S.S.R., in 1958.

Tso Ch'uan (p. 203) was killed during the Patriotic War.

Tung Pi-wu (p. 116n). Seven years Mao's senior, Tung was in 1967 one of two surviving Party founders in the PB, the other being Mao.

Born in 1886 in Huang-an county, Hupeh, in a large gentry family headed by scholars and teachers, Tung received a classical education and passed the imperial official (Confucian) examinations at the age of sixteen. He joined the Republican forces during the Hankow revolt of 1911 and became a member of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's T'ung Meng Hui. In opposition to Yuan Shih-k'ai in 1913, he fled to Japan, joined Sun Yat-sen's inner circle there, and studied at the Tokyo Law College. From 1917 to 1920 Tung performed tasks for Dr. Sun but gradually drew to the left in his thinking. Meanwhile he earned a living teaching in Hankow. In 1921, influenced by Ch'en Tu-hsiu and Li Han-chun, he journeyed to Shanghai, there to become a founder of the CCP. He then helped to organize the Hupeh provincial branch of the CP.

After the "two-party alliance, "Tung's liaison role became pivotal, for he was a veteran member of both the T'ung Meng Hui——precursor of the KMT——and the CP. In 1927 the counterrevolution caught his closest comrade, Li Han-chun, who was executed in Hankow. Tung himself narrowly escaped to Shanghai, disguised as a sailor. Next, in Russia, he spent four years at the CMT's Sun Yat-sen University. Not among the "Twenty-Eight Bolsheviks"(see Wang Ming, etc.), he became a Mao partisan and an important source of information about Sun Yat-sen University when he returned to China and went directly to Kiangsi, to become director of the newly organized Party school there. As an alternate member of the CC he supported Mao Tse-tung at the historic meeting at Tsunyi, in 1935. At the end of the Long March, Tung resumed his post as head of the Party school. A Party "elder statesman, "Tung played an advisory role in CCP diplomacy from 1936 onward. He helped Chou En-lai negotiate terms of the second united front at Nanking in 1937 and he was with Chou at CCP Chungking liaison headquarters 1938-45. As a member of the People's Political Council, a united-front consultative body set up by the Chiang Kai-shek government, Tung was the only Communist in a ten-member Chinese delegation to San Francisco in 1945 to establish the United Nations. Chang Han-fu (now Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs) and Ch'en Chia-k'ang served as Tung's English-speaking secretaries.

Seventh-ranking member of the CC at the Seventh Congress, in 1945, he served in Chou En-lai's mission during negotiations for a coalition government (1945-47), mediated by General George C. Marshall. The first National Congress in 1954 elected Tung president of the Supreme People's Court. In 1959 he was elected vice-chairman of the People's Republic. In 1966 he was, however, dropped from eighth place in the PB to twelfth. The only high-ranking Communist to hold an imperial degree in the Classics, a loyal follower of the late Sun Yat-sen as well as Mao Tse-tung, widely respected among all classes in China, an extensive traveler abroad and held in high esteem among foreign Communists, modest, selfless and patriotic, Tung Pi-wu was a remarkably durable gentleman.

Wang Ching-wei (p. 142n) as a youthful rebel tried to assassinate the Manchu prime minister, Prince Kung, but the bomb he threw failed to explode. He was pardoned and became a hero, and, later, a rival of Chiang Kai-shek for leadership of the Kuomintang. In 1927 his Left Kuomintang government in Hankow collaborated with the Communists in a coalition formed after Chiang Kai-shek broke the two-party alliance. In a few weeks he also expelled the Reds and his regime soon disintegrated. In 1932 Wang was again Nationalist premier, at Nanking; in the same year he was ousted by Chiang Kai-shek. Returning to the Kuomintang in 1938, he once more quarreled with Chiang. After accepting the post of premier of a puppet government sponsored by the Japanese, at Nanking, he died in disgrace in 1943.

Wang En-mao (p. 295n), a poor peasant born in Yunghsien, Kiangsi (circa 1910), joined the Red Army in 1927 with his father and two brothers, was educated by the CP, and rose steadily as a combat commander. From the 1950's onward Wang dominated Northwest Party and military affairs. During the GPCR Wang commanded the vast Sinkiang military areas and the Army Production and Construction Corps concerned with military installations. Attempts to extend the GPCR purge to Sinkiang caused sanguinary clashes, according to wall posters in Peking. Mao Tse-tung nevertheless was photographed offering a cordial handshake to Wang at a 1968 New Year's reception in the capital.

Wang Ju-mei. See Huang Hua.

Wang Kuang-mei (Mme. Liu Shao-ch'i) (p. 484) was a graduate of Peking University (Pei-ta) and a physics teacher when she met Liu shortly after the establishment of the PRC. She became his second wife, his first wife having been killed in Kiangsi. Mme. Liu was a member of the CEC, All-China Women's Federation, and a delegate to the NPC from 1964. In 1964 she accompanied her husband on visits overseas. During the GPCR she led women's cadres at Pei-ta, but wall posters later attacked her for attempting to protect "bourgeois"and "revisionist"elements in the Party, and criticized her for wearing jewelry and patronizing fancy hairdressers. Allegedly her daughter denounced her and Liu before the Red Guards. She was evidently not in harmony with Mme. Mao, deputy leader of the GPCR. Scorn and ridicule were her lot in accounts which appeared in publications advised by Mme. Mao.

Wang Ming (Ch'en Shao-yu) (p. 363) lost all his Party influence after 1942, but he remained important as a "negative example"used to personify major leadership errors and issues underlying intraparty struggle and the Sino-Soviet split of the 1960's. He was leader of the "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks"trained under Pavel Mif in Moscow when he became, at twenty-four, general secretary of the CCP and founded a PB regime which opposed Mao Tse-tung between 1931 and 1935.

Born in Anhui in 1907 to a prosperous gentry family, Ch'en joined the Socialist Youth Corps (later the CYL) while at middle school in Wuhan, then in 1923 enrolled in Shanghai University (established to train CP cadres). He was admitted to the CCP in 1925, and took the Party name Wang Ming. Sent to Russia to study at the CMT's Sun Yat-sen University (1925-27) he returned to China as interpreter for Pavel Mif at the Fifth Congress of the CCP at Wuhan (July, 1927). After the KMT-CP break he went back to Russia with Mif, who was made director of Sun Yat-sen University. He served Mif as interpreter at both the CMT and CCP Sixth congresses, held in Moscow (1928), and with Mif s help won leadership among those Chinese students at Sun Yat-sen University who became known as the "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks."They were at first a minority, who favored Stalin against Trotsky. Most important were Po Ku, Lo Fu, Wang Chia-hsiang, Teng Fa, Yang Shang-k'un, and those elected to the CCP CC with Wang Ming, who himself (aged twenty-one) helped compose CMT directives sent to China.

In 1930 Wang Ming returned to China with Mif, then chief CMT delegate to the CCP, and helped him ease Earl Browder out of influence and out of China and then to unseat Li Li-san from PB leadership. At the Sixth Congress CC's Fourth Plenum, held underground in Shanghai in January, 1931, Hsiang Chung-fa was confirmed as PB general secretary but, invoking Stalin's prestige, Mif maneuvered Wang Ming into Li Li-san's place as head of the labor department and the PB's dominant figure. When Hsiang was executed later that year Wang Ming replaced him and put Po Ku, Lo Fu, and others in control of key PB organs. In the same year Wang was recalled to Moscow, where he became CCP resident delegate on the CEC of the CMT. As Pavel Mif's mouthpiece he published (1932) The Two Lines, in which he defined the current CMT line. In China, Po Ku succeeded him as general secretary of the CCP and the two worked together closely against Mao's "peasant line"leadership in the rural soviets.

In August, 1935, Wang Ming, reflecting Moscow's need for a broad united front against Hitler, called for a union of proletariat, peasants, petty bourgeoisie, and national bourgeoisie, to oppose Nazi-Fascism and Japan. In China, the CCP adopted the Moscow line in principle but with Mao's own interpretation, as already submitted in draft form at Tsunyi (January, 1935). When Wang Ming returned to China (Yenan) in 1937, with Ch'en Yun and K'ang Sheng, he again made common cause with Po Ku, still in the PB. In his December, 1937, thesis, "A Key to Solving the Present Situation, "Wang proposed a complete merger of the Red forces with the KMT, in opposition to Mao's united-front strategy, limited by the retention of separate CCP command of armed forces and territorial bases. Thus began the last chapter in an old struggle. In 1940, Wang Ming republished The Two Lines (his own and Mao's). Seeking to modify Mao's views, which had placed main reliance on an armed peasantry, Wang called instead for a thorough "Bolshevization"(proletarianization) of the Party along orthodox Russian lines. Mao's response was the cheng-feng (rectification) campaign of 1942, when the entire Party was "reeducated"and brought into conformance with Mao Tse-tung's Thought.

In 1945 the official Party repudiation of Wang Ming was embodied in a long historical review signed by Mao and adopted at the opening of the Seventh Congress of the CCP："Resolution on Some Questions of the History of Our Party"(see Mao's SW, Vol. I). The document identified three infantile "left"lines, followed in opposition to Mao's policies, and the most serious was that led by Wang Ming and Po Ku (1931-34). Mao blamed Wang's doctrinaire ideas——basically, the rigid application of foreign (Soviet) Marxist dogma to Chinese conditions——for "the loss of more Communist lives than enemies'."

In 1951, to cap the climax, Ch'en Po-ta wrote "Mao Tse-tung's Theory of the Revolution Is the Combination of Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese Revolution, "in which Wang Ming was profiled for posterity as the archetype of "slavish"mentality and blind following of foreign dogma in defiance of Chinese conditions and revolutionary practice (Mao's) based upon them. Despite this vilification, Wang Ming was reelected to the CC in 1956, but his position as No. 97 in that ninety-seven-member body ironically honored him only in the breach.

Wang Ming's prestige was already shattered even in 1936, when Mao ridiculed (to the author) the inaccuracies of Wang Ming's reports in Inprecorr. When the author first met Wang Ming in Yenan, in 1939, he was astonished by Wang's youthful appearance (he was then only thirty-two), charmed by his urbanity, and struck by marks of his sedentary life——he was a round little man, a head shorter than Mao——as well as by the mild contempt with which he was referred to by veterans of the Long March. Clearly Wang constituted no further threat to Mao, but perhaps the latter welcomed——pour encourager les autres——Wang's earnest and open espousal of his cause in order to expose and thoroughly eradicate any remaining tendencies in the Party to exploit borrowed Russian prestige in competing for internal power. In 1967 the Japanese press reported that Wang Ming had secretly returned to Russia with his wife.

Wang Ping-nan (p.43n), an assistant foreign minister in 1967, and one of China's most experienced diplomats, first came to prominence when he served as Chou En-lai's political secretary in Chungking (1938-45).

Wang Ping-nan was born in 1906, in Sanyuan, Shensi. His father was a rich landlord and a blood brother of General Yang Hu-ch'eng, who made Wang his protêgê and sent him to Germany to prepare to become his secretary. In Berlin he became active among radical students, and there met the daughter of a conservative German family, a remarkable linguist who became his wife. When he returned to China in 1936, to work as Yang's secretary, he was also underground liaison between the CCP, Chang Hsueh-liang, and Yang Hu-ch'eng. He was in Sian before and during Chiang Kai-shek's captivity there, which he helped to bring about. In June, 1936, he served as interpreter in an interview between General Yang and the author. After visiting in Yenan, where he first met Mao in 1937, he was sent to Shanghai and later to Chungking to the Eighth Route Army liaison headquarters of Chou En-lai (1938-47). During the KMT-CP "peace talks"(1945-46), mediated by General George C. Marshall, Wang was secretary to the CP delegation. Subsequently he held important posts in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in 1954 was made general secretary of the Chinese delegation to the Geneva Conference on Indochina, headed by Chou En-lai. As ambassador to Poland 1955-64, he became China's senior diplomat in Europe and principal Chinese representative in United States-China ambassadorial talks held in Warsaw from 1955 until Wang's return to Peking in 1964. Wang also took part in the 1962 Geneva Conference on Laos and led important missions which resulted in significant political, economic, and military agreements between China and Poland, Germany, and other East European countries. Made a deputy minister of foreign affairs under Ch'en Yi in 1964, he was China's foremost expert on German and Polish affairs. He and Anna Wang were divorced in 1954 and both remarried. Their son, an engineer, remained in China.

Wang Shuo-tao (p. 295n) was born in Liuyang, Hunan, in 1907, in a family of poor peasants, who somehow managed to see him through primary school. He was adopted by a more prosperous uncle, who sent him to middle school and, at twenty, to a state agricultural college. Through the influence of Chen Tu-hsiu's New Youth he turned to radicalism, joining the CYL in 1922. In Canton in 1923, he enrolled in the Peasant Movement Training Institute, where Mao Tse-tung was deputy director and P'eng P'ai a teacher. Under their influence he joined the CP and received instruction in Marxism and in "principles of land revolution."In 1926 he organized peasant unions in his native town. They took part in the Autumn Harvest Uprising (1927), and began confiscating land and redistributing property to the poor. After their defeat, Wang found his way, to Mao Tse-tung's guerrilla forces. He was a political worker with P'eng Teh-huai's army when Changsha was captured (1930), and his wife was caught and executed there. At the end of the Long March he joined the Red Army expedition to Shansi in 1935, and became political commissar of the newly organized Fifteenth Army Corps. During the Resistance War Wang headed guerrilla detachments organized on the Hunan-Kiangsi border, where his Party deputy chief was Wang En-mao. Subsequently he became Hunan Party chief and governor (1949), a member of the CC from 1945, Minister of Communications, SC, 1958-64, and secretary of the CCP Central-South Bureau from 1964. In 1966 he held the important post of deputy chief of the General Political Department of the PLA and was a member of the CC group leading the GPCR.

Wu Han (460), a non-Party intellectual leader of the China Democratic League, who closely collaborated with the Communists from the 1930's onward, became a principal target of the GPCR when, in November, 1965, he was attacked in official publications for his play, Hai Jui Dismissed from Office. In the same month Chiang Ch'ing, Mme. Mao Tse-tung, "exposed"Wu Han's play as "anti-Party"and "opposed to socialism"in a Shanghai speech later described as the "clarion call"which initiated the GPCR.

Wu Han was born in Yiwu, Chekiang, in 1909, in a middle-class family too poor to pay for his education at National (Tsing Hua) University, where Wu supported himself by tutoring until his graduation in 1934. The author first met him in that year, when he was already a lecturer at the university and one of the few faculty members who risked imprisonment by supporting the radical-patriotic student movement. After the Japanese occupation of Peking (1937) Wu went to Yunnan, where, as a historian and a scholar, he won intellectual prominence and was a founder of the China Democratic League. He helped form the CPPCC, in a united front with the CCP, working with Hsu Ping and Lo Man. After 1949 he held many offices in the Peking municipal government; e.g., he was one of the city's eight deputy mayors. As a "democratic personage"Wu made a number of trips in Asia, Africa, and Eastern Europe, representing cultural and friendship groups. He was also dean of the arts and science department of Tsing Hua University, a national official of the All-China Federation of Democratic Youth, and, at the time of his fall, vice-president of the Peking branch of the World Peace Committee.

Mao's view of Wu's role in activities aimed at the downgrading of Mao Tse-tung's influence——if not his total removal from power, as some Red Guard wall posters of 1967 alleged——may have been accurately portrayed in a huge cartoon displayed in the Drum Tower in Peking. The cartoon lampooned twenty-seven leading Party members accused of revisionism, shown in a procession headed by Lu Ting-yi, former PB propaganda chief. Immediately behind Lu trotted Wu Han, wearing the uniform of an imperial messenger (yamen-runner), while at the tail of the procession, carried in sedan chairs, came Chairman Liu Shao-ch'i and Deputy Premier Teng Hsiao-p'ing, the big-game targets of the GPCR.

Wu Han's specialty as a Chinese historian was the Ming Dynasty. His controversial play, Hai Jui Dismissed from Office, dramatized the experience of a Ming official who dared to displease the emperor by criticizing some of his policies. The official was wrongfully dismissed but later vindicated as a patriot. Wu Han's play appeared in 1961, with the support of Lu Ting-yi and P'eng Chen, mayor of Peking. Five years elapsed before analyses in the Maoist press effectively exposed it as an allegorical attack on Mao：Wu had intended Hai Jui to be likened to P'eng Teh-huai, who was "dismissed"by Mao in 1959.

By 1967 the play was recognized as only one of the many "big poisonous weeds"promoted by cultural "revisionists"and "those taking the capitalist road, "led by Liu Shao-ch'i. Nothing better demonstrated the chasm that separates Western China experts from comprehension of Communist China than the fact that not one of them discerned the current political significance of Wu Han's play, and of the published Aesopian literature of the same nature, before these works came under counterattack by the Maoists.

Wu Hsiu-ch'uan (p. 349) continued work in Soviet relations assignments and as CCP representative in many meetings of foreign CPs, and was mentioned prominently as a Maoist supporter during the GPCR. Wu was born in Wuch'ang, Hupeh, in 1909. He studied in Russia at the CMT's Sun Yat-sen University (1927-30) and on his return was a professor at Fu-t'an University in Shanghai. After 1949 his most dramatic appearance was at the head of Peking's delegation to the United Nations in 1950, where he berated (20, 000 words！) the United States as an "aggressor"in Korea. No. 62 in the CC since 1956, he held many assignments in Eastern Europe and at international party conferences.

Wu Liang-p'ing (p. 106) was born in Fenghua, Chekiang (1906), in a merchant family. He was in the CC from 1962, and became Minister of Communications in 1967. Wu graduated from Nanyang (Overseas) Middle School, studied at Amoy and Tahsia (Shanghai) universities, took part in the May 30th Incident, joined the CYL in 1925, and studied at Sun Yat-sen University (1925-29) in Moscow, where he joined the CCP branch. Later he traveled to Europe. Returning to Shanghai he worked in the underground and translated Engels' History of Socialism, Anti-Duehring, and The Materialist Interpretation of History and Dialecticism. He was imprisoned, 1931-32, in Shanghai, and then entered Soviet Kiangsi, where he worked in Lin Piao's political department. He has been mistakenly identified as one of the "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks, "but in Kiangsi was a Mao supporter. When the author met him in 1936 he was Mao's secretary and a member of the agit-prop department of the army. He spoke excellent English and Russian and knew some French. For an interview with Wu, see RNORC.

Yang Ch'eng-wu (p. 169n) rose to membership (alternate) in the PB in 1966, replaced Lo Jui-ch'ing (his vilified former superior) as chief of staff of the PLA, and became a vice-chairman of the supreme Party military affairs committee.

A native of Fukien of peasant birth (1912), Yang joined the guerrillas when he was seventeen. He was largely educated by the Party and its army, especially under Lin Piao, with whose command he fought and/or studied continuously, 1932-38. After the Long March (during which he led a regiment), Yang was a student in the Red Army University at Pao An when the author met him in 1936. During the Resistance War he served under Nieh Jung-chen in Shansi, and acquitted himself so well that a Japanese commander once wrote to congratulate him. In the Liberation War he was deputy commander of group armies in Hopei, Shansi, and Chahar, and afterward commanded the Peking-Tientsin garrison, where he was also PLA Party secretary until 1955. Elected an alternate member of the CC in 1956, he set up China's air defense command and its Party organization. He served as an infantry private for a year during the Great Leap Forward period. Becoming deputy chief of staff of the PLA in 1959, he accompanied Lo Jui-ch'ing on many of his missions until the latter's eclipse, when Yang succeeded him.

Yang Hu-ch'eng (p. 42) during the Resistance War offered his services to the Generalissimo. General Yang was put under house detention in Chungking, and toward the end of the war he was secretly executed.

Yang K'ai-hui (p. 91) came from a wealthy landowning family of Hunan. She was the daughter of Yang Ch'ang-chi, Mao Tse-tung's highly respected teacher at the First Teachers' Training School in Changsha. Hsiao Yu gives a sympathetic portrait of Yang K'ai-hui in his dubious memoirs, Mao Tse-tung and I Were Beggars (Syracuse, N.Y., 1959). Mao was a frequent visitor in Yang's home; in Peking he often dined with the family. Marriages were then arranged by parents; in many cases, the bride and bridegroom did not see each other before betrothal (as in Mao's first "marriage"). Yang Ch'ang-chi obviously had advanced ideas about women's rights or he would not have provided a higher education for his daughter and permitted her to dine at the table with Mao and himself. Mao influenced Yang K'ai-hui toward radicalism——and marriage to himself, in 1920. She was then twenty-five. When arrested, in 1930, she refused to repudiate the Communist Party, or Mao, as the alternative to death. She was executed in the same year, at Changsha. Yang K'ai-hui bore Mao two sons, Mao An-ch'ing and Mao An-ying.

Yang Shang-k'un (p. 258) after 1936 became secretary of the CC in Shansi and chief of its united-front department (1937-43), then director of the general office of the CC (1943-59), until in 1956 he ranked forty-second among ninety-seven full members and ninety-six alternate members of the CC. Yet in 1966 Yang was accused of major duplicity and dismissed from all his posts.

Born in Szechuan, in 1903, in a middle-class family, Yang was influenced by the cultural renaissance (May Fourth Movement, 1919), joined a Socialist youth group, and was sent to the CMT-organized Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow, where he entered the branch CCP. He returned to China with Wang Ming in 1927 and was considered one of the "Twenty-eight Bolsheviks."At the end of the Long March, when the author met him, he was acting director of the political department of the Red Army. As alternate secretary of the CC secretariat 1956-66, he held responsible positions in meetings with Soviet and other foreign Communists, especially after the Sino-Soviet split. In 1966 he was accused of utilizing such opportunities to conspire against Mao, and Red Guard posters alleged that he had tried to wire-tap Mao's conversations. In April, 1967, "revolutionary cadres"of Peking reportedly demanded his execution,

together with that of P'eng Chen, Liu Shao-ch'i, Lo Jui-ch'ing, and others.

Yao I-lin (p. 419) was, as Minister of Commerce, the youngest member of the State Council. Born in Anhui in 1916, the son of a bankrupt bourgeois family which lived (he said) by periodically "selling some article, "he had his secondary education in Shanghai and Peking. He then enrolled in Tsing Hua University but left during his second year (1935) to devote full time to revolutionary activity.

When the author met Yao in 1935, he was a student leader working closely with Huang Ching and Huang Hua. Soon after Japan's seizure of Peking in 1937 he joined them in organizing guerrilla warfare in the countryside, working under the CCP CC North China Bureau, headed by Liu Shao-ch'i. Yao I-lin had no special training in commerce but learned, during his guerrilla days, how to manage a wartime economy. In 1950 he attended a cadres' school for trade, and in 1952 became vice-minister of commerce. As the official mainly responsible for the functioning of the rice-rationing system during the critical years 1959-61 he made a record of outstanding achievement. In 1960, aged forty-four, he was promoted to full minister of the Commerce Department.

Yeh Chien-ying (p. 70n) became one of the ten marshals of the PLA and in 1966 was named one of "the group leading the cultural revolution under the CC"and a member of the CC military affairs committee. That combination of roles reflected an early period when, already a general, Yeh studied at Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow (1928) and the following year "learned about drama in Germany and France."

Born in Kwangtung in 1897, in a merchant family, Yeh graduated from Yunnan Military Academy, became a district magistrate in Kwangtung, joined the KMT in 1922 and became an instructor at Whampoa Military Academy in 1923. In 1924 he joined the CCP. He commanded a division during the Northern Expedition. After participating in the abortive Nanchang and Canton uprisings he spent two years in Russia and Europe. After he returned to China in 1930 his Party history became closely identified with Chou En-lai. For a time he also headed a drama school in Soviet Kiangsi.

Yeh was on the revolutionary military council m 1934 when Chou En-lai replaced Chu Teh as its chairman and both Mao and Chu Teh were in opposition. Chou and Yeh planned, with Li Teh, the retreat which developed into the Long March. After the historic meeting at Tsunyi (1935), where Mao assumed Party PB leadership, Yeh backed Mao against Chang Kuo-t'ao at Maoerhkai. During the Resistance War he became (with Chou En-lai) a principal military liaison person in KMT territory (1938-45), where the author frequently interviewed him (see RNORC). He was said to have persuaded sixteen regimental commanders in the Shansi KMT armies to join the Reds. Chief of staff of the PLA in 1946, he was military commander and concurrently mayor of Peking in 1949, and from 1949 to 1955 was military and party chief in South China. He was also a member of the SC of the NPC from 1954 and a vice-chairman of the National Defense Council from 1962. Yeh was married to Tseng Hsien-chih, a Japanese-educated Hunanese, long a national leader in women's organizations. For an American general's opinion of Yeh as a military leader, see Evans Carlson's Twin Stars of China (New York, 1940).

Yeh T'ing (p. 115), a Whampoa cadet and commander of the Twenty-fourth Division of the Nationalist forces during the Northern Expedition (1926-27), was a principal leader of the Nanchang Uprising on August 1, 1927. After its failure Yeh retreated to Swatow, took part in the CMT's disastrous Canton Uprising in December, 1927, and escaped to Hongkong. He withdrew from politics for a decade. In 1937 Yeh was authorized by Chiang Kai-shek to reorganize surviving Red partisans on the Kiangsi-Fukien-Hunan borders, to create the New Fourth Army. These partisans had formed a rear guard when the main Red Army retreated to the Northwest in 1935, and one of their leaders, Hsiang Ying (Han Ying), became vice-commander of the New Fourth Army. In 1941 Chiang Kai-shek's troops ambushed part of the New Fourth Army, killed Hsiang Ying, and wounded and imprisoned Yeh T'ing. After Yeh's release in 1946 he died, en route to Yenan, in an airplane crash which also killed Teng Fa, Po Ku, and others.

^[*]The Other Side of the River, pp. 331ff.

^[*]On a recent (1973) visit to China I was told by Mme. Teng Ying Ch'ao that my husband's memory of this incident differed from her own：they had traveled together, and she knew he would have helped her had it been necessary; but her recollection was that it had not been.——Lois Wheeler Snow